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Unorthodox Compromising Senator Ted Kennedy Extended Social Justice

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  • Unorthodox Compromising Senator Ted Kennedy Extended Social Justice

    UNORTHODOX COMPROMISING SENATOR TED KENNEDY EXTENDED SOCIAL JUSTICE IDEALS BEYOND AMERICAN BORDERS

    Examiner.com
    http://www.examiner.com/x-52 49-SF-Foreign-Policy-Examiner~y2009m8d28-Unorthodo x-compromising-Senator-Ted-Kennedy-extended-social -justice-ideals-beyond-American-borders
    Aug 28 2009

    In May 2007, in his effort to put history in its proper perspective,
    Senator Ted Kennedy voted that the President should accurately
    acknowledge the Armenian genocide of the early 1900s. While the
    Turkish government along with its lobbyists were opposed to the
    passing of the U.S. Armenian genocide resolution by the U.S. House
    Committee on Foreign Affairs in 2007, S. Res/H.Res.106, American
    Genocide Resolution, was passed by a vote of 27-21. This resolution was
    cosponsored by Senator Ted Kennedy. That same year Senator Ted Kennedy
    urged Venezuela to re-open dissident radio and TV Stations in May
    2007. He voted yes on ending the Vietnam embargo, no on strengthening
    the trade embargo against Cuba, and no on limiting NATO expansion to
    only Poland, Hungary & the former Czechoslovakia in 1998. He voted
    to limit the President's power to impose economic sanctions, no on
    capping foreign aid at only $12.7 billion, and yes on enlarging NATO
    to include Eastern Europe. His Senate record speaks for itself and
    provides a glimpse at a Senator who believed in democratic ideals and
    principles, fought for checks and balances on the executive branch and
    against embargos that he deemed were ineffective (even given that his
    brother President Kennedy had expanded the Cuban embargo.) Speaking
    in 2007, he said,

    "I believe the idea of isolating Cuba was a mistake...It has been
    ineffective. Whatever the reasons and justifications may have been
    at the time, now they are invalid."

    And even while he regularly sparred with President Ronald Reagan,
    as the featured speaker at a forum sponsored by the Ronald Reagan
    Presidential Foundation and Library in 2007, he praised Reagan for his
    aggressive stance toward the Soviet Union that resulted in securing
    a better resolution to the Cold War. While there were certainly
    abstract differences that led both to have different views of the
    world around them, Kennedy found that Reagan's interest to win a point
    with a foe, didn't lead to a rhetorical style that was contemptible
    or that contained personal attacks. Reagan to Ted Kennedy was not a
    loose cannon in the face of opposition.

    "He was always a good friend and a gracious foe. He wanted to defeat
    his opponents, but not destroy them."

    Even so, Senator Ted Kennedy was very active on supporting a nuclear
    freeze and in 1982 proposed a nuclear freeze resolution to halt the
    nuclear arms race. He also actively opposed the Star Wars program. The
    author of the "Hydrogen Molecular Ion" who later became part of the
    Manhattan Project and the father of the first atomic bomb that was
    built in Los Alamos, New Mexico, Edward Tiller had a very different
    perspective that year.

    "I hope [the nuclear-freeze movement] will not become an important
    force. I hope more sense will prevail. If the nuclear freeze goes
    through, this country won't exist in 1990. The Soviet Union is a
    country that has had totalitarian rule for many hundreds of years,
    and what a relatively small ruling class there might do can be very
    different from what a democratic country can decide to do. The rulers
    in the Kremlin are as eager as Hitler was to get power over the whole
    world. But unlike Hitler they are not gamblers. If we can put up a
    missile defense that makes their attack dubious, chances are they
    will never try the attack. We can avoid a third world war, but only
    if strength is in the hands of those who want peace more than they
    want power."

    Even though he wanted to limit the use of sanctions as an instrument of
    foreign policy, in 1985, after a visit to South Africa, he introduced
    legislation to impose economic sanctions on South Africa. According to
    Randal Robinson, a renowned anit-apartheid activist, and currently a
    professor of human rights law at the Dickinson School of Law at Penn
    State University,

    "What we did that resulted in the overriding of Ronald Reagan's veto
    -- the first time in the 20th century that a foreign policy veto of
    a sitting president had been overridden by the Senate -- that could
    not have happened without Ted Kennedy. He was not just a major force,
    he was the essential, he was the indispensable force."

    Ted Kennedy's vision of a just society didn't end at the American
    border.

    When he spoke about the Iraq invasion, he was apprehensive.

    "In Iraq, we have acted nearly alone, and we are paying a terrible
    price," Kennedy said. "We can and sometimes must defend democracy
    by force, but we cannot impose it by force. Democratic principles
    are universal, but democracy must find its champions within each
    country's culture and tradition."

    While conservative columnists had a field day calling the American
    left morally bankcrupt as a result of Ted Kennedy's public statements
    about Iraq and specifically about the Abu Ghraib scandal - "We are
    the most hated nation in the world," said Ted Kennedy, "as a result
    of this disastrous policy in the prisons" - now they see him as a good
    compromiser, pragmatic and a realist. Ted Kennedy was a bipartisan.

    Speaking to the Council on Foreign Relations in 2004 on the Iraq issue,
    he conjured up John Adams,

    "The nation is engaged in a major ongoing debate about why America
    went to war in Iraq, when Iraq was not an imminent threat, had no
    nuclear weapons, no persuasive links to Al Qaeda, no connection to
    the terrorist attacks of September 11th, and no stockpiles of weapons
    of mass destruction.

    Over two centuries ago, John Adams spoke eloquently about the need to
    let facts and evidence guide actions and policies. He said, "Facts are
    stubborn things; and whatever may be our wishes, our inclinations,
    or the dictates of our passions, they cannot alter the state of
    facts and evidence." Listen to those words again, and you can hear
    John Adams speaking to us now about Iraq. "Facts are stubborn things;
    and whatever may be our wishes, our inclinations, or the dictates of
    our passions, they cannot alter the state of facts and evidence.""

    And in order to respond to the discrediting and the quickness to label
    Kennedy as a Senator acting and speaking against American interests,
    Ted Kennedy gave a speech at Johns Hopkins' Paul H. Nitze School of
    Advanced International Studies in Washington D.C. that is a perfect
    example of his steadfast belief in the freedom of expression and his
    belief that the decision about war and peace is not one to be made
    in a back room on Capitol Hill.

    "I have come here today to express my view that America should not go
    to war against Iraq unless and until other reasonable alternatives are
    exhausted. But I begin with the strongest possible affirmation that
    good and decent people on all sides of this debate, who may in the
    end stand on opposing sides of this decision, are equally committed
    to our national security.

    The life and death issue of war and peace is too important to be left
    to politics. And I disagree with those who suggest that this fateful
    issue cannot or should not be contested vigorously, publicly, and all
    across America. When it is the people's sons and daughters who will
    risk and even lose their lives, then the people should hear and be
    heard, speak and be listened to.

    But there is a difference between honest public dialogue and partisan
    appeals. There is a difference between questioning policy and
    questioning motives. There are Republicans and Democrats who support
    the immediate use of force - and Republicans and Democrats who have
    raised doubts and dissented.

    In this serious time for America and many American families, no
    one should poison the public square by attacking the patriotism
    of opponents, or by assailing proponents as more interested in the
    cause of politics than in the merits of their cause. I reject this,
    as should we all."

    Although 34 radio stations have been forced off the air in Venezuela
    at the beginning of August under circumstances that are being debated
    and discussed, while licensing issues are being cited, Senator Kennedy
    tried to keep Radio Caracas Television (RCTV) open. It was closed in
    2007 and since then it has been reported that independent stations
    have been threatened with greater frequency.

    Finally, on the issues of the Cuban embargo, while President Nixon
    and Henry Kissinger were able to frame Cuba within a cold war context
    with enough success to win over much of Congress, Senator Ted Kennedy
    prominently voiced that the embargo was an "outdated and unrealistic"
    approach. He suggested that China and Cuba were more analogous.

    Ted Kennedy never apologized about his liberal values on domestic
    issues and foreign matters. According to insider Jay Doherty, an old
    friend of Ted Kennedy's, Ted Kennedy worked hard at his job and he was
    aggressive at maintaining his friendships. Although he was attacked
    for his views that government has a responsibility to improve the
    lives of its citizens, he always believed in human rights and kept
    this belief at the core of his arguments whether they be on domestic
    or foreign issues. He found cruelty and anti-democratic crackdowns
    a call to action. He defied conventional wisdom when it came to
    nuclear attacks, and he took political risks that many would not take,
    ones that might be considered taboo or too soft. Senator Ted Kennedy
    challenged the reigning orthodoxy when it mattered most, when there
    were only prevailing dynamics and alternatives were discouraged and
    seemed few and far between.
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