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Is "Reconciliation" Compatible With Justice?

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  • Is "Reconciliation" Compatible With Justice?

    IS "RECONCILIATION" COMPATIBLE WITH JUSTICE?
    By Lucine Kasbarian

    http://www.keghart.com/Kasbarian_Reconciliation
    12 May 2010
    Watertown MA

    On Wednesday May 12, at the Armenian Library and Museum of America
    (ALMA) in Watertown, Massachusetts, editors Emil Sanamyan of the
    Armenian Reporter and Khatchig Mouradian of the Armenian Weekly
    spoke about their recent trip to Turkey sponsored by TEPAV -- a
    Turkish think tank that has recently been promoting Turkish-Armenian
    relations. TEPAV is funded by TOBB, the Union of Chambers and Commodity
    Exchanges of Turkey.

    ALMA Executive Director Mariam Stepanyan welcomed the audience after
    which moderator Marc Mamigonian, Academic Affairs Director of the
    National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR), opened
    by noting that there was no formal title for the evening's program
    because the trip was not necessarily part of what would be termed
    "Turkish-Armenian reconciliation or relations."

    Mamigonian said the reason is "not because we can't trust the Turks
    or because Turks are all alike, or because of any other negative
    stereotype that Armenians reject when applied to themselves." Such
    stereotypes, he continued, "would be as ignorant as assuming that
    the Turkish government's position on Armenians is the same as the
    Turkish people's position." The latter, Mamigonian continued, "has
    changed somewhat, though such profound changes as their recognizing the
    Armenian Genocide haven't happened yet." From his disjointed remarks,
    this writer concluded that Mamigonian may have been trying to warm up
    the audience to the idea of "reconciliation," as the evening's program
    seemed, in most respects, to be an attempt to convince attendees that
    new efforts to establish "Turkish-Armenian relations" were underway.

    Prior to editing the Armenian Reporter, the Baku-born Sanamyan was
    employed by the Armenian Assembly of America, which works closely
    with the US State Department. While his initial impression of TEPAV's
    invitation was that it was "intended to be a brainwashing trip,"
    Sanamyan noted that, by trip's end, if that had been the intent it was
    "done in a very advanced and unnoticeable way, and this experience was
    by far a greater opportunity for the visiting delegation than it was
    for the hosts." He also said that influential Turkish organizations
    had arranged for the delegation to meet with high-level government
    officials.

    It is unclear if Sanamyan realizes that the trip was the Turks'
    way of trying to butter up Sanamyan and Mouradian, give them the
    soft-sell and make them feel important. According to TEPAV's website,
    the rest of the delegation was comprised of journalists and policy
    experts from the Wall Street Journal, The New Republic, Forbes.com,
    Foreign Policy, National Security Network, The Century Foundation, and
    New America Foundation -- all of which generally promote policies from
    a US government establishment perspective. Did it occur to Sanamyan
    and Mouradian that two Armenians from comparatively small newspapers
    fit in rather awkwardly with this group?

    Did it not also seem strange to the two that they would be invited
    to join a delegation headed by former US Ambassador to Turkey
    Morton Abramowitz, a notorious genocide denier? When asked later
    what was going through their minds when they accepted the invite,
    Sanamyan replied that "Abramowitz's views have evolved." However,
    Abramowitz's dispatches about the trip, available on TodaysZaman.com,
    demonstrated otherwise. Why did Sanamyan defend Abramowitz, who still
    opposes the US Congressional Genocide Resolution?

    Sanamyan said he returned from the trip "looking at" what he called
    'the Armenian-Turkish experience' "in a new light." He said, "The
    Armenian-Turkish experience for Armenians is the Genocide, while the
    Armenian-Turkish experience for Turks is terrorism and the Genocide
    resolution." This writer must ask: Are such generalizations accurate?

    And was Sanamyan saying that these alleged "experiences" are simply
    two equally valid sides of the same story? His comments seemed
    to contradict Mamigonian's introductory remarks about spurning
    stereotyping. Sanamyan gave an example of how " 'the weight of history'
    is present in Turkey." In the Foreign Ministry building, he saw
    "a plaque dedicated to Turkish diplomats slain by Armenians during
    the terrorism period." Sanamyan also said he was "irked somewhat"
    as he traveled along "Talaat Pasha Boulevard," named after one of
    the masterminds of the Genocide.

    By raising the points above, Sanamyan seemed to be trying to step
    into the role of intermediary by throwing a bone to the Turkish as
    well as the Armenian communities in an effort to equalize history. It
    is also not clear what Sanamyan has seen in "a new light."

    During the junket, Sanamyan said, "very little politics were
    discussed, but lots of hospitality was extended." He made a point of
    telling the audience of how lavish Turkish hospitality was. Sanamyan
    described Turkey as "popular with Hayastansi tourists and Armenians in
    Russia." Was Sanamyan's purpose to emphasize that the Turks were not
    hostile but instead shared a culture of hospitableness with Armenians?

    Did he wish for us to conclude that Armenian tourists from Russia and
    Armenia appear to have no beef with Turkey, and thus it was high time
    for the Diaspora to follow suit?

    The TEPAV website notes that the delegation met with President Gul,
    Foreign Minister Davutoglu, Foreign Ministry Ambassador Sinirlioglu,
    Deputy Undersecretary Yenel, US Ambassador to Turkey Jeffrey,
    Turkish political party leaders, and the Turkish-American Business
    Council, among others. This and the subsequent reportage of the other
    delegates show that the trip may have been more political than Sanamyan
    indicated. (Dispatches published by some writers in the delegation
    are available here)

    Instead of traveling to Cappadoccia with the delegation, Sanamyan and
    Mouradian were flown to Kars and Ani. There, hoteliers explained that
    local Turks hoped the border with Armenia would open soon, that the
    locals would benefit, and that "Diasporan tourists such as yourselves
    would visit."

    To this writer, it sounded as if TEPAV and TOBB were trying to keep the
    Turkish-Armenian Protocols alive by touting the alleged benefits of a
    border opening so that the Armenian journalists would convey that to
    their Diaspora. We can take Sanamyan's words as a clear signal that
    the Turkish government is still dangling the promise of a border
    opening before Armenians, even though many Armenian economists,
    policy analysts, politicians and others have expressed skepticism
    that a border opening would benefit Armenia's economy, people, and
    national security.

    Sanamyan was taken to an Armenian church in Kars that had been
    converted into a mosque. Most of its Christian elements had been
    removed. He observed that the Turks took great pains to avoid using
    wording on any signage that would identify the Armenian origin of the
    structures around Kars and Ani. Even so, Sanamyan said, "there seems
    to be effort from the Turkish government to change this." A former
    mayor of Kars supports Turkish-Armenian reconciliation "so that,"
    in Sanamyan's words, "Turkey can develop business in Kars." What this
    writer heard is that "reconciliation" is good for the Turkish economy
    and public image. But is it good for restorative justice for Armenians?

    Sanamyan showed a slide projection of the unfinished statue in
    Kars dedicated to "Turkish-Armenian Friendship." The 100-foot high
    sculpture of two human figures facing one another looked more like a
    confrontation between combatants. Even Sanamyan himself admitted he
    didn't like the monument, but called it " a good effort."

    Visting the Akhorian (Arpa-Chai) River near Ani was "the reason we
    came," said Sanamyan, as TEPAV/TOBB have "a dream to restore the
    ancient bridge between Turkey and Armenia as a symbol of friendship."

    Sanamyan said that Ani had the potential to become a major tourist
    destination. Though he noted that Turks had removed many of the
    Armenian inscriptions and motifs on ancient monuments "to neutralize
    the history of the place," Sanamyan said that "real things that weren't
    done before [in Ani] are being done, even if it is a slow change."

    Sanamyan closed by saying that the "new elite" in Turkey in the last
    10 years is looking for "a new modus operandi." "Since Turkey wishes
    to become one of the largest powers in the world," Sanamyan said,
    "they view the Armenian issue as something that world powers can use
    against them. And so it is seeking different avenues to cope with
    the Armenian issue." Sanamyan's presentation and parting words only
    emphasized what has been obvious to this writer and others: The only
    "change" is Turkey's strategy. It hopes that by acting conciliatory
    it will improve its image and the economy of an impoverished region
    using income generated from the descendants of evicted Armenians.

    "Reconciliation" advocates seem to think that Armenians can be
    persuaded to sacrifice their dignity and quest for justice in exchange
    for visitation rights to Turkish-occupied Western Armenia. Stripping
    sacred cities of their Armenian identity and converting them into
    tourist destinations with the intention of extracting wealth from
    Armenians does not correct historic injustices, respect the humanity
    of the Armenian people, or their indigenous rights on those lands.

    Under such circumstances, is it accurate to call the junket to Turkey
    a "remarkable event," as ALMA's Stepanyan and NAASR's Mamigonian did
    in their introductory remarks?

    Khatchig Mouradian, editor of the Armenian Weekly and a doctoral
    candidate in Holocaust and Genocide Studies under Prof. Taner Akcam at
    Clark University in Massachusetts, began by stating that he wouldn't
    repeat what his articles had already described about the trip. He
    said that during the delegation's meeting with Davutoglu, the foreign
    minister "laid out a massive plan for engaging the Armenians."

    Presumably, Davutoglu has now turned his gaze on the Diaspora. Will
    he make a mess of that, too, as he did when he engaged Armenia through
    the Protocols?

    Mouradian said he attended the April 24 demonstrations in Turkey,
    the largest of which attracted two hundred people. One such event
    was an annual vigil by the Kurdish mothers of sons and daughters
    lost in the fight against the Turkish army. The mothers and others
    held photos of their children as well as of Armenian intellectuals
    slain in 1915. The latter photos were provided by Ragip Zarakolu,
    the Turkish publisher/human rights activist.

    Nearby were other demonstrations: one by Turkish genocide deniers and
    another by progressive Turks. The latter displayed banners about the
    "shared pain" that they claim Turks and Armenians experienced in
    1915 and other times. Of the second demonstration, Mouradian noted
    that a bystander may not have discerned that Armenians, not Turks,
    had been the real victims of genocide. A third gathering featured
    speakers talking openly about the Genocide.

    Mouradian said that the main reason he went to Turkey was to attend
    the "Armenian Genocide and its Consequences" conference organized
    by the Ankara Freedom of Thought Initiative. Initially cancelled,
    it eventually went forward because, said Mouradian, the government
    did not wish to be seen as censoring such a high-profile conference
    while allegedly seeking rapprochement with Armenia. The conference
    was attended by some two hundred people under tight security and
    featured scholars from Turkey and the Diaspora. Among the panelists
    were Worcester State College Prof. Henry Theriault and Mouradian,
    who said that it was the first time in Turkey that a conference
    "discussed the history of 1915, confiscation of Armenian properties
    and reparations."

    According to Mouradian, panelist Sevan Nishanian, a Turkish Armenian
    scholar and Agos newspaper contributor, became livid after hearing
    Prof. Theriault discuss reparations. Nishanian disavowed reparations,
    saying that he himself desired only that a street in Istanbul be
    named after the slain Armenian journalist Hrant Dink. Nishanian
    admonished the Diasporan Armenian panelists: "As guests, you can say
    what you want and then leave. We who live in Turkey must deal with the
    consequences." Apparently, Turkish intellectual and panelist Temel
    Demirer then scathingly called Nishanian himself "a non-issue and a
    dead end." Demirer went on to recount the ways in which the Turkish
    government, Turkish companies and Turkish individuals benefited from
    the seizure of Armenian property during the Genocide.

    As Sanamyan and Mouradian fielded questions from the ALMA audience,
    one person asked if the panelists felt that they were being "used
    for PR value" by their Turkish hosts. Another asked why the panelists
    agreed to go on a junket that had been arranged like a "stacked deck."

    Yet another asked whether it was the job of Armenians to play
    psychotherapists to Turks, who must face their own history. Both
    speakers justified the trip by saying that nothing could be gained
    by staying away.

    Another audience member asked why Armenia's geopolitical importance
    to the major powers was often erroneously minimized by Armenians
    themselves. Sanamyan argued that Armenia's importance does not play
    as much of a role in US policy as do "our loud mouths that make it
    relevant in the American political process." Another person inquired
    if during the trip the two journalists "asked about reparations and
    land return." Mouradian replied that "at almost every meeting, the
    Turks deflected the question, instead making remarks such as 'We have
    so much in common. Our home's engraved door was made by an Armenian.

    Our peoples both eat dolma.'" Sanamyan added that "the reality is
    that Armenians lost those lands and that the Treaty of Sèvres is not
    a valid treaty," to which incredulous laughter could be heard from
    some in the audience.

    "How do we proceed when an unrepentant Turkey still poses a threat
    to modern Armenia?" was another question. Neither panelist gave a
    clear answer. Yet another audience member asked, "Turkish propaganda
    is changing, and is more sugar-coated. How do Armenians deal with it?"

    Mouradian responded, "the tactics have changed but the [Turkish]
    strategy is the same. We must challenge their discourse. We can't
    talk about the Genocide only in the context of [building] democracy
    [in Turkey] but also justice. You must make your points at every
    opportunity."

    When audience questions revealed skepticism of the trip's success
    and value for Armenians, Mouradian accused questioners of concocting
    "conspiracy theories" while sitting comfortably in their homes in the
    Diaspora. He added that their unfounded criticisms offend "activists
    who have spent time in prison for protesting against the Turkish
    state. " He said it was "an insult to those who critique this process
    by saying there is a right and wrong way of doing things." It seemed
    as if Mouradian was saying that privileged Armenians and others may
    participate in and criticize current Turkish-Armenian dialogue methods,
    but that the Armenian community-at-large was not allowed to critique
    the privileged few or articulate their disapproval. Mouradian went
    on to reprimand members of the audience, shouting, "Your comments
    disregard any change that is going on in Turkey! We must stop talking
    to ourselves! Armenians must realize that not every Turk has his belly
    button attached to the Turkish nation! We must help Turks take real
    steps. There is no constituency in Turkey talking about reparations.

    Only when it's an issue in Turkey can we expect major foreign policy
    changes by Turkey. The Genocide started in Turkey, and it will be
    resolved in Turkey!"

    Mouradian's outburst seemed unconstructive. Journalists and community
    leaders should welcome questions and concerns from the Armenian public.

    In describing his and Mouradian's roles during their Turkey trip,
    Sanamyan added, "We don't represent the Armenian community. We are
    channels conveying information." And yet, Sanamyan is the editor of
    a newspaper co-owned by Armenian-American multi-millionaire Gerald
    Cafesjian, who also co-owns TV, radio and other media with government
    officials in Armenia. And Mouradian edits a newspaper representing
    the largest Diasporan political party.

    Mouradian added, "We didn't negotiate anything or negotiate anything
    away." Yet, in this writer's opinion, when there is a scarcity of
    popularly elected leaders in the Diaspora, it's not always clear who
    represents us and our interests. That leaves the door open for any
    Armenian, regardless of his views or aptitude, to become an emissary
    and a de-facto negotiator. More and more, Diasporan Armenians are
    talking to world leaders. Is dialogue with Turkey appropriate at
    this time? Are we prepared for it? Do we have a clear agenda and
    strategy? Who speaks for the Diaspora?

    All of this leads to some fundamental questions: In the absence
    of a rigorous pursuit of justice by the Republic of Armenia,
    what is the collective Armenian agenda? What are our national
    goals vis-a-vis Turkey? Have the traditional Diasporan political
    parties and organizations spelled out their agendas, and are they
    actively pursuing them? Do most Armenians feel comfortable having
    the established organizations represent their interests?

    In the final analysis, what was to be gained and lost from this trip?

    Do journalist junkets and conferences that engage the Turks serve
    the Armenian national interest? Aside from the reparations panel,
    are such trips propaganda victories for Turks? If this was a "fishing
    expedition," did Armenians learn anything new, or present "the Armenian
    position" to Turks in a persuasive way?

    For several years now, we've been told that Turkey is changing. In
    that time, we've endured the assassination of Hrant Dink by a Turkish
    national, Turkish perfidy surrounding the Protocols, Turkish claims
    that Genocide resolutions harm "reconciliation" efforts, Turkish
    preconditions regarding Karabagh and Western Armenian territorial
    claims, Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan's threat to deport Armenians,
    and more.

    If Turkey is changing, why are we not seeing that change -- or honest
    dealings -- in the government's policies, actions and negotiating
    stances? Turkey continues to erase and rename Armenian cities,
    eradicate Armenian elements and symbols from their surroundings and
    remove references to the existence of Armenians. These actions tell
    us that genocide is still ongoing even after the physical elimination
    of a people has occurred. If Turkey is to be trusted at this juncture,
    it must halt the genocide still in progress today.

    The TEPAV junket demonstrated that the Turkish government is neither
    repentant nor ready to face history. Turkish officials look upon the
    "Armenian issue" as a war that needs to be won, not an opportunity
    to come clean and join the family of civilized nations.

    Mamigonian in his opening remarks said that we should not generalize
    that "we can't trust the Turks." But in view of the above actions by
    Turkey, how can Armenians develop a trusting attitude?

    And while we are on the subject of trust, where is the openness
    that should exist among Armenian political parties, organizations,
    the press and the communities they serve? Transparency and trust
    are sorely lacking. For example, a number of public events have been
    organized for the Armenian communities of the eastern United States in
    which individuals such as Hasan Cemal (grandson of Genocide mastermind
    Cemal Pasha), Turkish historian Halil Berktay, and even the great
    granddaughter of US Ambassador to Turkey Henry Morgenthau, Pamela
    Steiner, have participated. In their talks, one or more have spoken
    about "joint historical commissions," "Turkish pain," and against
    territorial claims, among other things. These events have upset
    and even re-traumatized Armenians. Why have Armenian organizations
    collaborated with individuals who carry such messages to us?

    Perhaps the most helpful thing that came out of the ALMA event was
    the realization that the ill-fated Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation
    Commission's (TARC's) "Track II Diplomacy" is back in effect. Only
    this time, our Armenian organizations are on board -- but without
    the knowledge or consent of the Armenian Diaspora.




    From: A. Papazian
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