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DEALING WITH NATIONAL CAUSES
CENGÄ°Z AKTAR
Today's Zaman
Jan 25 2012
Turkey
Last week, there was a weird coincidence that the court's decision
on the murder of Hrant Dink -- which embodied a great sense of
loneliness -- came on the same day as the burial ceremony of Cypriot
ultranationalist Rauf DenktaÅ~_, at which were gathered the state's
top brass, without exception. The odd coincidences continue this week.
Following in the footsteps of the French National Assembly, the
French Senate has passed a bill that penalizes the denial of "Armenian
Genocide." Thus, we have come closer to a critical turning point as
the centenary of 1915 nears. On the same day, the secretary-general
of the United Nations convened the Cypriot parties in Greentree,
New York, for the reunification of the island, bringing us to another
critical turning point.
Still shaped by a hostile mindset, these issues have been inherited
from the process of the Ottoman Empire's disintegration and
nation-building spree during the 19th century. But it seems we are
coming to the end of the road in some way or another regarding these
two famous national causes.
Although no concrete outcome was expected from the Cyprus meeting,
according to an optimistic scenario the emergence of a new federal
state may be postponed until the aftermath of the presidential
elections of February 2013, if it does not occur before July 1, 2012
when the Greek Cypriots become the EU term president. The pessimistic
scenario tells quite the opposite: The establishment of a bi-zonal,
bi-communal federal state will not occur even after 2013, paving the
way for a de jure division.
Today, the economic hardships Greek Cypriots are experiencing, the
chaos Greece is suffering from, the Turkish Cypriots' emergence as
an actor challenging Ankara, an age-old Cyprus issue that blocks
Turkey's progress in many areas, the discovery of natural gas and
oil reserves in the territorial waters to the south of the island
and the international community's growing exasperation over the
stalemate are all positive and negative factors that imply a solution
is within reach.
With the settlement of this problem, it is obvious that a major
obstacle to Turkey's European Union membership bid would be eliminated
and accession would again become one of the top items on the country's
agenda. Simultaneously, Turkish-Greek ties would be normalized
and the two countries will mutually decrease their spending. As
all Turkish Cypriots would automatically become EU citizens, their
problems would be solved more swiftly. The Turkish troops on the
island would return home, which would also make a great contribution
to the process of demilitarization in Turkey. Normalization in the
Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, which has been a stronghold of
Ergenekon's mentality and praxis, will certainly positively boost
democratization in Turkey as well as in the north of the island. In
a broader context, the normalization of Cyprus will send a light of
hope to the eastern Mediterranean region which is currently fraught
with uncertainty and chaos.
I must note: A negotiation is not a process in which one party wins
all while the other loses all. Most long-lasting deals are the ones in
which both parties are dissatisfied equally. Let us hope that Cyprus
sooner or later drops off the agendas of Turkey, Greece, the region
and the world.
As for the mess the French denial bill has created, what happened
to the Anatolian non-Muslims and how their presence in the country
has come to naught since the late 19th century is and should be an
issue for Turkey, rather than France. Due to the fact this disaster
has been covered up since then and our education system has chosen
to completely deny it, it has become quite natural to discuss it
elsewhere. Although about 26,000 volumes have been published abroad
on the Armenian suffering, the number of such studies published in
Turkey is barely 100. Therefore, we should not be surprised to see
that Turkey's official thesis is viewed with much skepticism abroad.
Turkey's official reactive policy of lobbying, persuading, threatening
and imposing sanctions has proven to be a complete failure in the
face of the French bill. Now, we really need another approach.
Turkish government officials, particularly Foreign Minister
Davutoglu, like to note that Turkey has now become a country that takes
initiatives, acts preemptively and focuses on solutions not only in its
region, but also around the globe. Therefore, Turkey also needs to take
the initiative concerning the famous, problematic "national causes,"
as they were not created by the ruling Justice and Development Party
(AK Party), but entirely inherited from the Kemalist period.
CENGÄ°Z AKTAR
Today's Zaman
Jan 25 2012
Turkey
Last week, there was a weird coincidence that the court's decision
on the murder of Hrant Dink -- which embodied a great sense of
loneliness -- came on the same day as the burial ceremony of Cypriot
ultranationalist Rauf DenktaÅ~_, at which were gathered the state's
top brass, without exception. The odd coincidences continue this week.
Following in the footsteps of the French National Assembly, the
French Senate has passed a bill that penalizes the denial of "Armenian
Genocide." Thus, we have come closer to a critical turning point as
the centenary of 1915 nears. On the same day, the secretary-general
of the United Nations convened the Cypriot parties in Greentree,
New York, for the reunification of the island, bringing us to another
critical turning point.
Still shaped by a hostile mindset, these issues have been inherited
from the process of the Ottoman Empire's disintegration and
nation-building spree during the 19th century. But it seems we are
coming to the end of the road in some way or another regarding these
two famous national causes.
Although no concrete outcome was expected from the Cyprus meeting,
according to an optimistic scenario the emergence of a new federal
state may be postponed until the aftermath of the presidential
elections of February 2013, if it does not occur before July 1, 2012
when the Greek Cypriots become the EU term president. The pessimistic
scenario tells quite the opposite: The establishment of a bi-zonal,
bi-communal federal state will not occur even after 2013, paving the
way for a de jure division.
Today, the economic hardships Greek Cypriots are experiencing, the
chaos Greece is suffering from, the Turkish Cypriots' emergence as
an actor challenging Ankara, an age-old Cyprus issue that blocks
Turkey's progress in many areas, the discovery of natural gas and
oil reserves in the territorial waters to the south of the island
and the international community's growing exasperation over the
stalemate are all positive and negative factors that imply a solution
is within reach.
With the settlement of this problem, it is obvious that a major
obstacle to Turkey's European Union membership bid would be eliminated
and accession would again become one of the top items on the country's
agenda. Simultaneously, Turkish-Greek ties would be normalized
and the two countries will mutually decrease their spending. As
all Turkish Cypriots would automatically become EU citizens, their
problems would be solved more swiftly. The Turkish troops on the
island would return home, which would also make a great contribution
to the process of demilitarization in Turkey. Normalization in the
Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, which has been a stronghold of
Ergenekon's mentality and praxis, will certainly positively boost
democratization in Turkey as well as in the north of the island. In
a broader context, the normalization of Cyprus will send a light of
hope to the eastern Mediterranean region which is currently fraught
with uncertainty and chaos.
I must note: A negotiation is not a process in which one party wins
all while the other loses all. Most long-lasting deals are the ones in
which both parties are dissatisfied equally. Let us hope that Cyprus
sooner or later drops off the agendas of Turkey, Greece, the region
and the world.
As for the mess the French denial bill has created, what happened
to the Anatolian non-Muslims and how their presence in the country
has come to naught since the late 19th century is and should be an
issue for Turkey, rather than France. Due to the fact this disaster
has been covered up since then and our education system has chosen
to completely deny it, it has become quite natural to discuss it
elsewhere. Although about 26,000 volumes have been published abroad
on the Armenian suffering, the number of such studies published in
Turkey is barely 100. Therefore, we should not be surprised to see
that Turkey's official thesis is viewed with much skepticism abroad.
Turkey's official reactive policy of lobbying, persuading, threatening
and imposing sanctions has proven to be a complete failure in the
face of the French bill. Now, we really need another approach.
Turkish government officials, particularly Foreign Minister
Davutoglu, like to note that Turkey has now become a country that takes
initiatives, acts preemptively and focuses on solutions not only in its
region, but also around the globe. Therefore, Turkey also needs to take
the initiative concerning the famous, problematic "national causes,"
as they were not created by the ruling Justice and Development Party
(AK Party), but entirely inherited from the Kemalist period.