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Cycle Of Repression: Human Rights Violations in Armenia

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  • Cycle Of Repression: Human Rights Violations in Armenia

    CYCLE OF REPRESSION: HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN ARMENIA

    Human Rights Watch Briefing Paper

    May 4, 2004

    Summary
    Background: 2003 Presidential Election
    Prelude to April 12-13
    Restrictions on Travel to Yerevan
    The April 12-13 Events
    Excessive Force
    Raids of Party Headquarters
    Detentions: Due Process Violations and Torture
    Torture and ill-treatment in police custody
    Freedom of the Press
    International Response
    Recommendations


    Summary

    At the end of March 2004, Armenia's political opposition united in mass
    peaceful protests to force a "referendum of confidence" in President Robert
    Kocharian and to call for his resignation. In response, the Armenian
    government embarked on a campaign to break the popular support for the
    political opposition with mass arrests, violent dispersal of demonstrations,
    raids on political party headquarters, repression of journalists, and
    restrictions on travel to prevent people from participating in
    demonstrations. Hundreds of people were detained, many for up to fifteen
    days; some were tortured or ill-treated in custody. Excessive police force,
    particularly at an opposition rally on April 12, caused dozens of injuries
    among demonstrators. Some of the worst injuries were caused by stun
    grenades, which inflicted deep wounds in many protesters. At the same rally,
    police beat journalists and confiscated their cameras.

    The origin of the opposition's demands was the government's failure to date
    to redress the deeply flawed 2003 presidential election, which Kocharian,
    the incumbent, won. Disturbingly, the government is now repeating, with
    increasing violence, a pattern of repression that surrounded last year's
    election. At that time, the international community warned the Armenian
    government that its intimidation of the opposition through the use of
    arrests and administrative detentions must stop.1 However, in March and
    April 2004, the Armenian government not only began a fresh campaign of
    detentions, but added to the intimidation with security force violence.

    This briefing paper outlines the events of March and April 2004 and details
    human rights violations committed by Armenian authorities during this time.
    It is based on interviews done by a Human Rights Watch researcher in Yerevan
    from April 14-18, 2004. Human Rights Watch calls on the Armenian authorities
    to cease intimidating the political opposition, to stop using excessive
    force against demonstrators and torture and ill treatment in custody, and to
    hold accountable those responsible for these abuses. We call on the
    international community to assist the government of Armenia in urgently
    addressing this situation and to ensure that further acts of repression are
    not repeated.


    Background: 2003 Presidential Election2

    The antecedents to the events of the past month are to be found in the 2003
    presidential election. In the lead-up to the first round of voting, which
    took place on February 19, 2003, more than 250 opposition activists,
    supporters, and election observers were temporarily detained, many of them
    taken to court and summarily sentenced to up to fifteen days administrative
    detention for petty offences.3 At the time Human Rights Watch said the
    detentions were "an obvious attempt to intimidate and disable the opposition
    before the run-off," which was held on March 5, 2003.

    The election itself did not meet international standards and was marred by
    "serious irregularities, including widespread ballot box stuffing."4
    Although the government set up a working group to study the election
    violations, it issued a report in March 2003, "essentially dismissing all
    the facts and conclusions registered by the EOM [Election Observation
    Mission]."5

    The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe [OSCE] attributed
    the election's failure to meet international standards to "a lack of
    sufficient political determination by the authorities to ensure a fair and
    honest process."6 It concluded that "[r]estoring confidence in the election
    process will require prompt and vigorous action by the authorities, includin
    g a clear assumption of responsibility and holding accountable those who
    violated the law, particularly those in official positions who did so."

    Stepan Demirchian, the opposition candidate, filed suit with the
    Constitutional Court, challenging the election results.7 On April 16, 2003
    the court ruled that the election result should stand, but that the use of
    administrative detention in the context of the election harmed Demirchian's
    campaign and violated Armenia's obligations under international law.8 The
    court recommended that the government hold a referendum of confidence in
    President Robert Kocharian within a year.9 The government rejected the
    proposal, arguing that it was not within the court's authority to recommend
    such action. The opposition, on the other hand, demanded that the government
    hold the referendum, or that the president resign from his post.10

    The government failed to take the action recommended by the OSCE and the
    Constitutional Court.11 As the one-year deadline approached in April 2004,
    the opposition grew more vocal in its demands, threatening mass protests if
    the government did not hold a referendum or take other action. The
    government, however, remained steadfast, refusing to respond to opposition
    demands. By the end of March 2004, the opposition stepped up its campaign to
    challenge the legitimacy of the president, and began to hold rallies and
    demonstrations around the country to express its demands.


    Prelude to April 12-13

    At the end of March 2004, two of the main opposition groups, the Artarutiun
    (Justice) Alliance, which consists of nine parties - including the Republic
    Party, the People's Party, and the National Unity Party - joined forces and
    announced its campaign of action.12 Following this move, the opposition
    intensified its efforts, making further announcements and mobilizing in
    Armenia's provinces. The authorities responded by restricting freedom of
    movement, carrying out detentions, and threatening criminal charges against
    opposition campaign organizers.

    On March 28, approximately one thousand opposition supporters rallied in
    Giumri, Armenia's second largest city. Pro-government supporters appeared at
    the rally and threw eggs at opposition leaders. Scuffles broke out and
    police arrested up to fifteen opposition demonstrators, but did not arrest
    any of the pro-government supporters. Police charged four of the activists
    with hooliganism under article 258 of the criminal code and a court remanded
    them in custody for two months pre-trial detention. The others were released
    without charge.13

    On March 30, the procurator general, or attorney general, opened a criminal
    case against the Justice Alliance and its supporters under articles 301
    (public calls for seizure of power by force) and 318(2) (publicly insulting
    representatives of government) of the criminal code. The procurator general
    stated that the charges were related to the recent protests initiated by the
    Justice Alliance.14 As a result of opening the criminal case, the
    authorities began to summon opposition leaders for questioning as
    witnesses.15

    On April 5, Artashes Geghamian, the leader of the National Unity Party,
    addressed a rally in Yerevan, organized by the party, that drew an estimated
    3,000 participants. As he was speaking, about two dozen men pelted him with
    eggs. Some fighting broke out between the rally participants and these men.
    When journalists present tried to film the clashes, the men attacked the
    journalists and smashed their cameras.16 Several hundred police stood by
    observing the events, but took no action.17 The Yerevan police chief
    reportedly defended the police inaction, stating that the police properly
    followed their orders to take action only in "extreme cases."18 Police later
    confirmed that following the rally they detained forty-eight opposition
    supporters.19

    >From April 5, the number of rallies in Yerevan steadily increased, as did
    the number of opposition supporters detained or otherwise intimidated. The
    Republic Party estimated that from the end of March until April 12, police
    had detained, searched, or harassed more than 300 of its supporters.20

    Meanwhile, according to the Justice Alliance, on March 22, three unknown
    assailants attacked and beat Victor Dallakian, an opposition member of
    parliament and secretary of the Justice Alliance, in the street near his
    house. On April 3, unknown men beat Aramais Barsegian, a former member of
    parliament and head of the Artashat district branch of the People's Party of
    Armenia, near his house. The timing of the attacks on both, together with
    the lack of any other reasonable explanation for them, led the Justice
    Alliance to believe they were politically motivated.21

    On March 30 at 9:00 a.m., four unknown men assaulted Mikael Danielian, a
    human rights defender, near his house in Yerevan, as he was returning home
    from walking his dog. They punched him repeatedly to the head, and kicked
    him after he fell to the ground. Danielian was taken to hospital, where he
    remained until April 2. Danielian believed that the attack was an act of
    retribution for his human rights work and that he was targeted at this time
    in order to stop him from monitoring the growing protests of the political
    opposition in Armenia and the associated government abuses.22 Although this
    is the first reported attack on a human rights defender, journalists
    publishing material critical of the government have been the victims of such
    attacks.23


    Restrictions on Travel to Yerevan

    Police stop our activists who are trying to come from the regions in their
    cars,arrest them, scare them, and don't allow them to come to Yerevan.24

    >From the end of March until mid-April 2004, police restricted the movement
    of opposition supporters trying to travel to Yerevan to attend rallies by
    setting up road blocks, stopping cars, questioning the passengers, and
    denying permission to travel further to those they believed were opposition
    supporters.25 These actions breached the right to freedom of movement,
    protected under international law.26

    On the morning of April 5, between 10:30 a.m. and 12:00 noon, police stopped
    nine members of the National Unity Party in three cars at a check point as
    they were leaving Vanadzor, Armenia's third largest city, on the main road
    to Yerevan. They were intending to participate in a rally at 3:00 p.m. in
    Yerevan. Police held the nine men at the Vanadzor police station, reportedly
    telling them, "we have saved you from being beaten in Yerevan." Police took
    three of the men to the local court, which sentenced them to five days of
    administrative detention for not following police orders. The rest were
    released at 8:00 p.m. on the same day.27

    In early April, the police presence in Vanadzor increased significantly and
    members of the National Police force were brought into the city to help the
    local police to monitor the roadblocks. Police told a local human rights
    defender that the increased police presence was a result of an order on the
    "tense situation."28 On April 9, police sent a minivan to the outskirts of
    Vanadzor and detained people in it who were traveling to Yerevan whom they
    suspected were intending to participate in opposition rallies.29


    Excessive Force

    In spite of the warnings of government authorities, on April 12, an
    estimated 15,000 people marched from Freedom Square along Marshal Baghramian
    Avenue towards the presidential residence. Hundreds of riot police and
    security forces stopped them near the parliament and the protesters did not
    attempt to break through the barrier, but continued the protest at that
    place in the street.37

    On the night of 12-13 April, the protesters on Marshal Baghramian Avenue set
    up camp for the night next to the barbed wire barrier and hundreds of
    security forces. According to protesters and observers interviewed by Human
    Rights Watch, the demonstration was completely peaceful, with protesters
    playing music, dancing, and sleeping.38 The opposition leaders at the
    demonstration made several demands to meet with the president, the speaker
    of parliament, and the chief of police; the authorities did not respond.39

    Shortly after midnight an estimated 3,000 protesters remained in the street
    when the street lights went out. Then at about 2:00 a.m., protesters heard
    an announcement, telling them to leave the road. Police vehicles with water
    cannons then drove up and began spraying large volumes of high-pressure
    water on the crowds. According to one observer:

    We saw a woman over seventy years old under the jet of water. I went to help
    her. I stood in front of her to stop the force of the water... I stood with
    my side [to the water], facing the parliament and saw police in uniforms
    throwing [stun grenades] from the parliament grounds. One blew up about
    twenty centimeters from me. My friend had both eardrums broken. The gas made
    my eyes water. I could see the police beating women with batons.40

    After about ten minutes of spraying the crowds with high pressure water,
    police and other security forces, some in black clothing and others in
    camouflage uniforms, began throwing into the crowd stun grenades, which are
    small explosives that make a deafening noise.41 Other police beat the
    protesters with batons and shocked them with electric prods.

    Speaking about the stun grenades, a woman told Human Rights Watch: "They
    were very frightening. I became deaf, and couldn't hear anything. I couldn't
    see either from the smoke everywhere."42

    After this initial security force attack, the protesters responded by
    throwing plastic water bottles and sticks from their placards; they
    subsequently began to run away. The security forces, however, had by this
    stage surrounded the protesters and continued to attack them and then chase
    them down the street to where other security force personnel were waiting.43
    Protesters, observers and journalists were badly injured and beaten. There
    were no reports of injury among the security forces.

    Three days after the protest, Vazgen Ghazarian, a twenty-two-year-old
    protester, told Human Rights Watch he still could not walk from the injuries
    he sustained at the protest that night. Twice a stun grenade thrown by
    security forces had detonated not far from him. He had nine significant
    wounds to his legs and groin, some more than a centimeter deep. Doctors
    removed three small pieces of plastic and one piece of metal from his legs.
    One of his eardrums was broken.44

    Styopa Safarian, a rights activist attending the rally as an observer,45 was
    also injured after several explosives went off next to him. "I lost
    consciousness for two or three minutes. When I came to, I saw police
    violently beating and using electric shocks on the other protesters."46

    Safarian suffered from severe pain to the groin, and his ear, face and legs
    were bleeding. He went to the hospital and had his groin area stitched up.
    He had open wounds of several centimeters in diameter on his legs, and his
    eardrum was broken. There were fourteen other people similarly injured at
    the protest in hospital with him.47

    Shavarsh Kocharian, an opposition member of parliament, told Human Rights
    Watch how masked security force personnel detained and beat him at the
    rally:

    Then unexpectedly police and special units with batons and electroshock
    batons came from the entrance of the parliament. One man in a mask grabbed
    me and took me to the parliament grounds. They were beating lots of people
    there. I told him I was a member of parliament. He beat me on the shoulders
    and face with his baton. He put me in a prisoner transport van where I
    waited for two hours... They put a man with terrible head injuries in with
    me. They gave him a towel [to soak up the blood], and he waited with me for
    two hours.48

    At about 4:30 a.m., police took Kocharian and his companion to the Nor-Nork
    District Police Precinct and only after this did police seek medical care
    for the man with the head injuries. There were others at the police station,
    also detained from the protest, with bloody head and ear injuries.

    Police held Kocharian at the police station until 7:30 a.m. and then took
    him to the Counter Terrorism Department. An investigator came and told him
    that he was to be questioned as a witness in relation to an offence of
    calling for the overthrow of the government.49 After questioning, Kocharian
    was told by the investigator that he was now being held as a defendant in
    the case. Kocharian demanded a lawyer, but was not provided with one. Police
    searched and fingerprinted him and then placed him in a cell. At about 8:00
    p.m. the investigator came to Kocharian and said the charges had been
    dropped, and he was released.50

    In putting down the rally, Armenian security forces did not abide by the
    long-established international norms reflected in the United Nations Basic
    Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials.51
    The Basic Principles provide that "law enforcement officials, in carrying
    out their duty, shall as far as possible apply non-violent means before
    resorting to the use of force. ... Whenever the lawful use of force ... is
    unavoidable, law enforcement officials shall ... exercise restraint in such
    use and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offense."52 The
    legitimate objective should be achieved with minimal damage and injury, and
    preservation of human life respected.53



    Raids of Party Headquarters

    That same night, April 12-13, immediately after the attack began on the
    protesters in Marshal Baghramian Avenue, security forces stormed the Yerevan
    headquarters of the Republic Party, the National Unity Party, and the People
    's Party, arrested those present, and closed two of the headquarters for
    several days.

    According to party members present that night, shortly after 2:00 a.m.
    security forces in camouflage uniforms came to the headquarters of the
    Republic Party. Although they showed no search warrant or other
    documentation, they insisted on coming into the office, against the protests
    of the party members. They detained several dozen men present and then left.
    A couple of men and a group of more than ten women remained, and began
    ringing the press and others to tell them what had happened. The security
    forces then returned and banged violently on the door. Those inside refused
    to open it. Security force personnel smashed a window and entered the
    premises. They were very aggressive, swearing at the party members. They
    detained everyone and put them into a prisoner transport van. It was very
    overcrowded, and police refused to respond when the occupants called for
    help in panic from lack of air. Police did not explain to the detainees the
    reason for their arrest.

    "Then they took us... to an unknown place. There were people in uniforms,
    but it wasn't clear to us who they were. It was some sort of an official
    building, and they put us in a cell... Only later we learnt that we were in
    the Erebuni Detention Center for administrative detentions."54

    The cell was cold, with metal beds and the authorities refused to give the
    detainees mattresses or blankets. The authorities held the party members for
    between thirty-six and forty-eight hours, never explaining to them their
    legal status. Investigators questioned one of the detainees, Artak
    Zayanalian, about the protest, stating that he was being questioned as a
    witness.55

    After detaining everyone from the Republic Party headquarters, police
    occupied the premises for more than two days. Party officials were able to
    get back into the building only on April 15. Doors, windows, furniture, and
    equipment were broken, documents and other things were lying all over the
    floors, and computers, documents, videocassettes, and other equipment had
    been confiscated.56

    The same night security forces raided the headquarters of the National Unity
    Party. No one was at the office at the time of the break-in, however, from
    the damage to the door, it was clear that the authorities had forced the
    door with crowbars or similar tools. They had forced all the internal doors
    open, as well as the doors to safes and cupboards, and had confiscated
    documents, including the list of party members, video equipment, and
    computers. The authorities then closed the office with an official seal from
    the Procurator General's Office.57

    On October 14, party officials demanded that the Procurator General's Office
    remove the seal. After several hours, local government representatives came
    and took away the seal and the party officials were able to re-enter the
    premises. They reported that documents and other things were scattered
    everywhere. They later received a document from the authorities, listing the
    things confiscated.58

    Between twenty-five and thirty armed police also stormed the headquarters of
    the People's Party on the night of April 12-13. They entered the building
    shouting, and holding automatic weapons. They began detaining male party
    members. A group of women and other party members blockaded themselves in a
    room in fear. The police broke down the door with the butts of their guns.

    Vardan Mkrtchian, a member of parliament, detained in the raid, told Human
    Rights Watch: "The police were shouting and swearing. They hit the women and
    young people. They beat my wife who was here to find out why the police had
    arrested me [earlier in the day]."59

    They detained more than twelve people, including Vardan Mkrtchian, and his
    son. The rough treatment continued at the police station after arrest.
    Police confiscated documents and videocassettes. They held the party members
    from between several hours to three days, taking some to court for
    administrative punishments.60

    Police also detained Ruzanna Hachatarian, press secretary of the People's
    Party, from the party headquarters that night. They took her to a police
    station where they questioned her as a witness to the criminal case opened
    against the Justice Alliance and its supporters.61

    Hachatarian told Human Rights Watch: "The investigator had a printed list of
    questions... They asked me 'Why did the Alliance try to overthrow the
    government with violence?'... and 'How did you use military measures to
    overthrow the government?'... He questioned me for about two hours."62

    After questioning her, they informed her that she was no longer a witness,
    but was now being charged as a defendant in the case. She demanded a lawyer,
    who then attended the police station, and she refused to answer any more
    questions. After approximately thirty-six hours in custody, she was taken to
    the Procurator General's Office where officials gave her a document stating
    that the charges had been withdrawn, and she was released.63



    Detentions: Due Process Violations and Torture

    It is difficult to estimate the total number of opposition supporters
    detained since the beginning of April 2004. By April 17, the Justice
    Alliance had documented the detentions of 327 opposition supporters, and the
    Republic Party estimated that about 300 of its members had been either
    detained, harassed, or searched.64

    As of this writing, at least eight opposition supporters are in pre-trial
    custody on criminal charges. These include the four people detained in
    Giumri on March 28 who are charged with criminal hooliganism and four
    detained in April in the case against the Justice Alliance.65 The latter
    four are members of the Republic Party: Vargarash Harutunian, on charges of
    attempting to overthrow the government, public calls for seizure of power by
    force, and publicly insulting representatives of government;66 Zhora Sapean,
    a district party leader, on charges of publicly insulting representatives of
    government, for allegedly accusing the president and minister of defense of
    corruption when speaking at a public rally;67and two others on similar
    charges.68

    The others were detained and held for from several hours to fifteen days.
    Many were held and then released with no documentation or registration of
    the arrest ever having occurred. Others were taken to court, and given
    penalties of up to fifteen days in custody for petty offences under the
    Administrative Code.69

    The trials were cursory, flouting all international protections for a fair
    trial, and repeating a pattern of abuses with administrative detentions
    documented during the 2003 presidential elections. Defendants in
    administrative cases were denied access to lawyers, not able to present
    evidence, and routinely convicted on the basis of several minutes of police
    evidence. Practical barriers to appeal make it virtually impossible to take
    the cases to higher courts.70

    In the case of the April 5 detention of three people who were attempting to
    travel from Vanadzor to Yerevan to attend a rally, a judge refused to allow
    them to present evidence in their defense. Police had taken the three - Aram
    Revasian, Artur Shahnazarian, and Rezh Makumian - all members of the
    National Unity Party, to the local court where they were tried under the
    Administrative Code for not following police orders. Revasian requested that
    others who were traveling in the car with him be called as witnesses in the
    case. The judge refused his request and sentenced all three to five days'
    administrative detention on the basis of evidence of one police officer.71

    On April 14, the seven people detained at the Republic Party headquarters on
    the night of April 12-13 were tried at the Erebuni District Court in Yerevan
    for breaching public order under the Administrative Code. The police read
    out the charge sheet, the judge asked no questions, and fined the defendants
    each 500 drams (approximately U.S. $1). The defendants had been held in
    custody for up to thirty-six hours prior to the court hearing, and officials
    refused to return their passports until they paid the fines.72

    On April 12, police from the Malatia Sebastia police station detained Karen
    Shahumian, a member of the People's Party, while he was in a car with loud
    speakers, announcing details of the opposition rally to be held later in the
    day. At the local court, he was sentenced to five days of administrative
    detention. His relatives, concerned for his health since he suffered from
    heart problems, requested the assistance of a lawyer to appeal the case. The
    lawyer, however, could get no documentation about the case, and could not
    meet with Shahumian. The lawyer was not even able to find out the charges
    under which Shahumian had been sentenced. It was therefore impossible for
    the lawyer to appeal the case.73

    Talking about the obstacles faced by lawyers in administrative cases, Tigran
    Ter-Esayan told Human Rights Watch: "We try to help, but there are no
    documents. We can't appeal without documents. The police deny that [a
    defendant] is in their custody, say that he doesn't need a lawyer. They say
    that the trial has already happened. We ask for documents and they say
    'tomorrow,' 'the day after tomorrow,' and the time has gone."74


    Torture and ill-treatment in police custody

    Human Rights Watch documented several cases of torture and ill-treatment in
    police custody during the government crackdown against the opposition in
    April 2004. Opposition party officials claim that during this period police
    regularly beat their supporters in police custody: "There were lots of cases
    of people being beaten at the police stations after detention, especially
    those who came from the regions."75 Armenia is obligated under international
    law to prevent acts of torture.76

    On the night of April 12-13, Oride Harustanian was detained with a group of
    women, including her nineteen-year-old daughter, at the Republic Party
    headquarters. Police took them to the Erebuni police station in Yerevan
    where the police shouted and swore at them. They were placed in a room.
    Harustanian told Human Rights Watch, "Then the head of the Erebuni police
    came in. He came up to me and said 'So you want to take power,' and slapped
    me three times very hard on the face."77 He then went to each person in turn
    and assaulted them, kicking and kneeing them, and punching one woman in the
    head. Several of the group had serious bruising to the legs after the
    attack. Police did not provide food to the group on the day of April 13.
    Members of the group were held for up to thirty-six hours, and were then
    released, some receiving administrative fines, others receiving no
    explanation as to the reason for having been detained.78

    Police also detained a young woman on the night of April 12-13.79 She was
    taken to a local police station in Yerevan with a group of opposition party
    activists. Police separated her from the group and put her in a room in the
    police station. There were four or five uniformed police in the room. She
    told Human Rights Watch:

    Then someone came in, a high level police officer. All the other police
    stood up for him when he came in. I also stood up and he began to beat me,
    kicking my body, hitting my face and swearing terribly. I was so scared that
    I wet myself. He beat me for about ten or fifteen minutes... I cried the
    whole time. I couldn't speak... Then I heard loud voices in the corridor,
    shouting and swearing... It was the head of the [police station]. He came in
    and said 'Ah, it was you who was at the protest.' I said 'no, it wasn't me.'
    He began to beat me with his fists and knees to my stomach. I fell and he
    kicked me on my back. He said, 'now all our men will come in and rape you.'
    He said worse things... He went on four about twenty minutes. I don't
    remember everything. I remember coming to lying on the table. Then he left.
    I was on the floor.80

    She was released from custody after eighteen hours in detention. She
    received no explanation for her arrest. According to the young woman and a
    relative who cared for her after her release, she had bruising all over her
    body, and was suffering from severe stomach pains.


    Freedom of the Press

    In breach of Armenia's international obligations to protect freedom of
    expression,81 the April 2004 crackdown on the opposition brought with it
    repression of journalists and media outlets attempting to report on the
    events. Journalists were brutally attacked, and their equipment confiscated
    and smashed. In some cases this was done by police, and in others,
    apparently by civilians, with the government failing to take action against
    those responsible despite clear evidence as to the identity of attackers. In
    addition, media outlets were restricted from broadcasting during this
    period.

    On April 5, men in civilian clothes attacked journalists at an opposition
    rally in Yerevan. Initially the men attempted to disrupt the rally by
    throwing eggs at the National Unity Party leader, Artashes Geghamian, who
    was addressing the crowd. Scuffles broke out, and when journalists attempted
    to film events, the men began to attack them.

    According to The Committee to Protect Journalists, "[T]he assailants smashed
    the video cameras of three Armenian television stations- Kentron, Hay TV and
    Public Television- and the still cameras of two opposition dailies - Aravot
    and Haykakan Jhamanak."82

    The attackers reportedly forced one journalist from the private television
    station Shant to hand over his videocassette with footage of the rally.83
    Hundreds of police present at the rally observed the attacks, but took no
    action. Police officials later defended the police inaction.84 Local and
    international press organizations, as well as the OSCE, condemned the
    attack, and called for the perpetrators to be punished. Although there was
    reportedly evidence available as to the identity of some of the attackers,
    at the time of writing the authorities had not made public any action taken
    in relation to the attacks.85

    On the night of April 12-13, security forces brutally attacked journalists
    reporting on the opposition rally and the storming of opposition
    headquarters. Media rights groups reported that four journalists were
    seriously beaten that night.86 Human Rights Watch documented the attacks on
    three of these journalists.87

    Levon Grigorian, a cameraman for the Russian television channel ORT,
    attended the rally on Marshal Baghramian Avenue on the evening of April 12
    in order to report on the rally. According to Grigorian, the rally was
    peaceful and quiet. Then at around 2:00 a.m., security force vehicles with
    water cannons moved in. He told Human Rights Watch:

    I began filming when they started spraying the water on people. People began
    throwing things, empty plastic bottles, sticks from flags. The police threw
    grenades at people and began to beat them. I filmed. Then people began to
    run. I also went with them, filming. I filmed it all. Then four people
    surrounded me and tried to take my camera. They couldn't take it and they
    fought with me. They dragged me along the street. Then a special forces
    officer in an army like uniform electrocuted me with his equipment, and put
    gas in my face. My eyes watered. I couldn't see. The electric shock
    paralyzed me. I fell down. They took my camera and telephone. They
    electrocuted me several times. Then about fifteen special forces officers
    beat me with batons. They dragged me under a tree, paralyzed, and left me
    there.88

    According to Grigorian, his clothes were covered in blood and torn. He
    suffered a broken nose, swollen arm and hand, and bruising to his whole
    body.89

    On the evening of April 14, the authorities returned Grigorian's broken
    camera, but did not return the videocassette with the recording of the rally
    events.90

    The night of April 12-13, Haik Gevorkian, from the opposition daily
    newspaper Haikakan Zhamanak, went to photograph the opposition rally. When
    the security force attack began, he photographed the water cannon vehicles
    and police coming from the parliament grounds and attacking the protesters.
    Concerned for the safety of his camera and photographs, he went some twenty
    or thirty meters down the road, and found an empty courtyard, where he stood
    behind a fence and continued to photograph the events. He told Human Rights
    Watch:

    Suddenly I saw a group of thirteen or fourteen police, headed by [a very
    high ranking police officer]. They were all in uniforms with batons and
    helmets. They came straight for me, no one else was there. [The high ranking
    officer] knows me well. He's known me since 1998 through my work as a
    journalist. I wasn't worried. I knew that he knew who I was, that I wasn't a
    protester, but a journalist. He came up to me and took my camera. [I started
    to speak], but didn't have time. All the police began to beat me with
    batons.... They shouted and swore. I said, 'I'm a journalist.' They said,
    'we know.' I just tried to protect my head. Then they dragged me, beating
    me, to the parliament entrance. Someone grabbed me by the back of the neck
    and while the others beat me.91

    Police continued to beat Gevorkian, who was lying on the ground at the
    entrance to the parliament while he repeatedly shouted out that he was a
    journalist. They put him in a police van. He no longer had his bag with his
    dictaphone or press card. Gevorkian's colleague, Avetis Babajanian, from the
    same newspaper, was also in the van, and said that police had beaten him as
    well. Although Gevorkian had suffered head injuries and was covered in
    blood, police did nothing to help him. Only some hours later, after taking
    the journalists to the police station, did Gevorkian receive medical
    attention. He was released on the morning of April 13. He had bruising all
    over his body and a swollen back. Several days after the attack, he was
    still having difficulty walking.

    Gevorkian demanded that the police return his camera and dictaphone and
    requested that the Procurator General's Office open a criminal case against
    the police officers involved in the attack on him. By April 17, the
    authorities had not returned his equipment or taken any other action in
    relation to the attack.92

    Mher Ghalechian, a journalist with the opposition weekly newspaper Chorrord
    Ishkhanatiun (Fourth Power), was working in his office on the night of April
    12-13, when he received a telephone call saying that police were arresting
    opposition activists at the Republic Party headquarters. He took his camera
    and dictaphone and went to the headquarters, where he started to photograph
    police detaining opposition members. Five police in camouflage uniforms
    attacked him and beat him all over his body with batons. He told them that
    he was from the press. They arrested him and put him in a prisoner transport
    van for six, but which held twenty-four other people. Police took his
    camera, dictaphone, and money. They took him to a detention center and put
    him in a cell with no mattresses or blankets, with no explanation as to the
    reason for his arrest or his legal status. They refused to grant him access
    to a lawyer or to make a telephone call. He was released after sixteen
    hours, receiving no documentation or explanation for his arrest. Police
    refused return his camera, dictaphone, or money.93

    On April 5, the Russian television channel NTV had its broadcasting
    suspended in Armenia. The official reason given for the suspension was
    because of technical problem. NTV had been broadcasting footage of the
    opposition protests in Yerevan. By mid-April NTV was still off the air.94


    International Response

    International bodies responded to the April events in Armenia with
    statements of concern and calls for a political dialogue between the
    opposition and government.

    The Council of Europe issued two statements of concern. Its Secretary
    General warned of an anti-democratic decline in Armenia and called on the
    government to guarantee "all human rights which are protected under the
    European Convention on Human Rights."95 The United States government made a
    statement, calling on "all sides to respect the role of peaceful assembly
    and to take all steps to prevent violence."96

    The OSCE made several statements of concern, but blamed both the opposition
    and government for the situation. In an interview with Radio Free
    Europe/Radio Liberty on April 13, OSCE Ambassador Vladimir Pryakhin stated,
    "[w]e don't share the opinion that the demonstration was purely peaceful
    because all sorts of provocative statements were being made and stones were
    being thrown [at police forces]. But that's not the point. We are against
    any kind of violence, and we conveyed our concerns in this regard personally
    to [President Kocharian]."97


    Recommendations

    To the Armenian Government:

    Investigate the use of excessive force by the police and other security
    forces on the night of April 12-13, 2004. Bring to account all security
    officials who used excessive force.

    Cease the use of explosives and electric shock equipment for the control of
    non-violent public demonstrations.

    Provide training to all members of the security forces on international and
    domestic human rights standards and hold accountable all members of the
    security forces who deviate from these standards.

    Investigate all allegations of torture and ill-treatment in police custody
    and prosecute those found responsible for such acts.

    Comply with Council of Europe's calls to repeal the use of administrative
    detention and cease using arrest as a means of pressuring the opposition.

    Investigate the attacks on journalists and prosecute those responsible.

    Enact legislation guaranteeing the right to peaceful assembly and
    establishing a procedure to ensure that this right is respected. Request the
    Council of Europe to review the draft legislation before it is enacted.

    Cease the practice of restricting travel of opposition supporters in order
    to limit their right to freedom of assembly.

    Repeal criminal defamation provisions in the Criminal Code and drop all
    current charges against opposition members for criminal defamation. Ensure
    the trials against opposition members currently in pre-trial detention
    comply with international fair trial procedures.

    Comply with the OSCE recommendations made in their final report on the 2003
    presidential election, in particular to bring to account those responsible
    for election fraud and other violations.

    To the International Community:

    To the OSCE, Council of Europe, European Union, European and United States
    Governments:

    Strongly condemn and demand an end to the abuses committed in Armenia
    described in this briefing paper, and promptly condemn any new abuses that
    occur;

    Call for all officials implicated in abuses to be brought to justice;

    Continue to press the Armenian government to implement the OSCE
    recommendations in the final report on the 2003 presidential elections.

    The European Union and the United States should closely monitor any funding
    provided to the Armenian government, particularly security-related funding,
    to ensure that it does not go towards security agencies implicated in
    abuses.

    The European Union should make better use of the periodic reviews of the
    Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) with Armenia to urge the
    Armenian government to bring its laws and practices into compliance with
    international standards, with particular attention to the violations
    documented in this briefing paper.


    To the Council of Europe:

    The Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) Monitoring Committee
    should send an ad-hoc mission to Armenia to investigate the recent abuses
    and present its findings to the Assembly's plenary session in June,
    formulating specific recommendations for steps the authorities need to take
    to address the ongoing crisis and setting a specific deadline for meeting
    them.


    The Council of Europe Committee of Ministers should put the ongoing crisis
    in Armenia on the agenda of its upcoming ministerial meeting and call on the
    Armenian government take urgent measures to adhere with its obligations
    stemming from its membership with the Council of Europe.


    The Council of Europe Secretary-General should appoint independent experts
    to investigate the serious ongoing abuses taking place and call on the
    Armenian government to take urgent measures to address them.


    The Council of Europe Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT) should
    continue to monitor closely torture in Armenia and should consider ad-hoc
    visits to Armenia with a particular focus on the places of detention where
    those arrested in connection with the recent protests have been held.


    To the European Bank on Reconstruction and Development (EBRD):

    Take into account the findings contained in this briefing paper when
    assessing Armenia's compliance with Article 1 of the Agreement Establishing
    the Bank, and make clear to the Armenian authorities that the nature and
    level of engagement will be contingent on measurable progress in human
    rights. In so doing, the EBRD should set specific benchmarks for such
    progress.


    To the World Bank:

    The abuses documented in this briefing paper undermine the World Bank's goal
    of eradicating poverty in Armenia. The 2003 Republic of Armenia Poverty
    Reduction Strategy highlighted the need to "protect the economic, social,
    and legal guarantees of human rights and liberties," and identified
    governance and public participation in the political process as key elements
    in eliminating poverty. In its engagement with the Armenian government, the
    World Bank should reinforce OSCE and Council of Europe recommendations for
    reform that would serve the broader goal of empowering the poor.

    ---
    http://www.hrw.org/backgrounder/eca/armenia/0504/
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