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As Turkey's World Turns

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  • As Turkey's World Turns

    AS TURKEY'S WORLD TURNS
    By Tulin Daloglu

    Washington Times, DC
    http://washingtontimes.com/article/20070828/EDI TORIAL/108280021/1013
    Aug 28 2007

    ISTANBUL, Turkey. -- Some developments, good or bad, can catch us so
    fully by surprise that they feel like a joke. But the best jokes are
    a reflection of an emotional threat as they mirror the truth.

    Today, the Turkish Parliament will appoint Foreign Minister Abdullah
    Gul as the country's 11th president. Since April, Mr. Gul's candidacy
    has divided Turks. Turkey went to early elections as a result of
    this unrest and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) won a
    significant victory. Nevertheless, that doesn't negate the millions
    of protesters who demonstrated in order to try to prevent Mr. Gul and
    his wife, who wears a headscarf, from assuming office. The protesters
    fear a president with a background in political Islam. But they have
    to take this day as a joke, hoping that it will bring laughter of
    unity at the end. Yet they have reason to be concerned.

    Recently, Bekir Coskun, a prominent secular-minded columnist, wrote
    that he would not feel comfortable calling Mr. Gul "my president."

    Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan would not tolerate such
    criticism. "Some say that [Mr. Gul] cannot be their president,"
    he said. "If they can say such things, first, they need to have
    their Turkish citizenship revoked. They can go wherever they want,
    and elect whomever they want." Soon, Mr. Coskun received death threats.

    The Turkish media rallied to his defense - supporting the right to
    speak freely and criticize the government, regardless of whether
    or not they agreed with his position. Mr. Erdogan's spokesman later
    issued a statement backpedaling from the attack.

    Turkish government officials have blindly refused to acknowledge
    that they need to watch what they say, lest their "declarations"
    touch off reactionary violence. Last week, the U.S.-based advocacy
    group the Anti-Defamation League announced that what happened to the
    Armenians at the end of World War I is "tantamount to genocide." The
    group also made clear that they "[c]ontinue to firmly believe that
    a Congressional resolution on such matters is a counterproductive
    diversion and will not foster reconciliation between Turks and
    Armenians." Mr. Gul responded by saying that Israel would pay a heavy
    price if it does not renounce the ADL's position.

    When Mr. Gul visited Washington earlier this year, he explained that
    "the reason the Jewish lobby gives support to Turkey on this issue
    is clear: because Turkey's relationship with Israel is important to
    them." Reading the ADL statement with this thought process in the
    background, that the bill "[m]ay put the Turkish Jewish community
    at risk," feels like another joke. Many Turks would never hurt
    their Jewish community. But there are the reactionaries who could
    be spurred to violent anti-Semitic and nationalistic action by such
    comments. Turks must not allow controversy over Armenian genocide
    claims to hijack their relationship with Israel. The AKP must fight
    Turkish anti-Semitism. Israel and the Jewish lobby have worked with
    Turkey for decades to prevent the U.S. Congress from passing such
    bills. In return, Turkey failed to build its own lobby to do its
    own work.

    Turkey must acknowledge that a good relationship with Israel is vital
    to its relationship with the West. In a recent interview, Pinhas Avivi,
    Israel's ambassador to Ankara, told me that Turkey can only benefit
    from good relations with Muslim Arab states, the European Union, the
    United States and Israel. "[Y]ou are not important for our state unless
    you have good relations with me... If you don"t have good relations
    with the U.S. and Arab states, you are not important for the EU,"
    he said. The ADL statement highlights how the Armenian genocide bill
    has strained Turkey's relations with its Western alliance, though.

    Turkey's president - and all of the country's elected representatives -
    must be more mindful about the words they use when talking about such
    sensitive issues. Turkey's reactionary and violent element murdered
    the beloved Armenian journalist Hrant Dink earlier this year, and
    the AKP government has thus far failed to support bringing justice
    to this crime.

    In the end, harsh rhetoric backed with poor work has a dear
    price: affecting Turkey's most sensitive foreign policy matters in
    Washington. But this debate proves that the bill in the U.S. Congress
    is less about confronting history and more about politics. A public
    opinion poll conducted by Terror Free Tomorrow shows that Turks want
    this issue to come to a conclusion. "We found out that the Turkish
    people overwhelmingly oppose any kind of resolution in the U.S.

    Congress on this issue," Ken Ballen, president of Terror Free Tomorrow,
    told me. Turks feel Congress is not a neutral body to judge their
    history, Mr. Ballen said. The most important finding in the poll -
    the first to examine Turks' feelings on the issue - is that "three
    quarters of the Turkish people said they would be willing to accept
    independent historians coming up with judgments on what occurred
    during Turkish history," Mr. Ballen said.

    Turks' real desire is for everyone to be open-minded on this issue, and
    look at history without current judgments - offering both opportunity
    and responsibility to everyone who wants to end this debate. They
    believe the last chapter of their history has not been written,
    but that it is up to them, not Congress, to write it.

    Tulin Daloglu is a free-lance writer.
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