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AntiWar.com
December 18, 2007
Turkey: Another Ally Lost
Philip Giraldi
Over the past six years the Bush administration, aided and abetted by
Congress, has trashed what used to be described as American foreign
policy. Foreign policy once was shaped around the U.S. national
interest, but no longer. Vulnerable key allies such as Pakistan, Saudi
Arabia, and Egypt are now struggling to deal with the consequences of
a U.S.-inspired rush to democracy that has advanced a flawed,
ideologically driven agenda. Russia was nearly a friend and is now
again an enemy. Afghanistan is a corrupt narco-state where the Taliban
is making a comeback and President Hamid Karzai is referred to as the
King of Kabul because his writ runs no farther. The less said about
Iraq the better. But amid all of the missteps and poor policy choices,
the loss of Turkey stands apart because Turkey was a close friend and
loyal ally of the United States when 9/11 took place. Nearly
everything has gone wrong between Washington and Ankara, with the
Turkish public's favorable assessment of the U.S. plummeting from 52
percent to 8 percent. And it did not have to happen.
Turkey actively supported the first Gulf War against Saddam Hussein.
In February 2002 Ankara provided troops for the multinational
International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) sent to occupy
Afghanistan, commanding ISAF twice for a total of 14 months, but the
relationship began to sour in 2002 when the United States was
confronted by political change in Turkey that it did not know how to
handle. Already actively planning to attack Iraq, the U.S. government
sent a team to Ankara on July 14, 2002, to negotiate terms for
Turkey's participation in a possible military action. The team was
headed by Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz and
Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Marc Grossman, a former
ambassador to Turkey. Both Grossman and Wolfowitz were also strong
advocates of the Turkey-Israel military relationship, which gave Tel
Aviv a powerful ally in a Muslim country and guaranteed that the U.S.
Congress would look benignly on Ankara.
The Turkish government appeared to be willing to accept an agreement
in exchange for a large financial aid package, but on Nov. 3, 2002,
parliamentary elections in Turkey replaced incumbent Prime Minister
Bulent Ecevit with Recep Tayyip Erdogan of the moderately Islamic
Justice and Development Party (AK). Wolfowitz and Grossman returned to
Turkey to negotiate with the new government. Erdogan was definitely
interested, if only to convince his critics within the Turkish
establishment and army that he was supportive of the Western alliance,
but polls taken in Turkey indicated that fully 87 percent of the
public opposed war against Iraq. Many recalled the 1991 Gulf War, in
which Turkey had to absorb more than half a million refugees and
suffered severe economic dislocation, including a currency collapse.
The Turks also believed that the U.S. was seeking to guarantee the
security of Israel by stopping a Muslim country from having either
weapons of mass destruction or the means to deliver them. It was noted
with some concern in the Turkish media that the spokesmen for the war
policy were all neoconservatives closely tied to Tel Aviv, notably
Wolfowitz, Grossman, Douglas Feith, Richard Perle, and Harold Rhode,
and that the Israel lobby in Washington had promoted the plans to
attack Iraq.
The Turkish General Staff, a major player in all foreign policy
decisions, was also cool to the war, harboring suspicions that a U.S.
intervention in Iraq would lead to the creation of an independent
Kurdish state. Wolfowitz appealed to the generals directly on his
second visit, bypassing the government and apparently suggesting that
they might want to overrule the civilians, something dangerously close
to a coup d'etat. The army expressed concern that if Turkey wound up
having to carry out a long occupation of the Kurdish region due to
American failure to successfully stabilize Iraq, the financial and
human costs would be unacceptably high.
As has frequently been the case, Washington, blind to many of the real
issues that were fueling Turkish reluctance, tried to buy cooperation.
Negotiations continued up to the last minute. Eventually the Turkish
leadership and the U.S. agreed on a package consisting of $6 billion
in immediate aid plus $24 billion in credits, but the open horse
trading did not help sell the product, as many parliamentarians
objected to the idea that they could be bought. Fifty thousand peace
demonstrators marched in Ankara during the acrimonious parliamentary
debate in which one deputy fainted and another suffered a heart
attack. The actual vote finally took place on March 1, and the
resolution failed to carry by three votes.
The parliamentary rejection was soon followed by a particularly
unfortunate choice for U.S. ambassador to Turkey. In July 2003 Eric S.
Edelman was named to the post and quickly became confrontational about
Turkey's failure to support the American agenda. The abrasive Edelman
was accused of acting "more like a colonial governor than an
ambassador. ... [He] is probably the least-liked and trusted American
ambassador in Turkish history." A petition that received thousands of
signatures was circulated demanding that he be declared persona non
grata and expelled from the country.
Edelman was not helped by press coverage coming from the U.S., which
was followed closely and frequently replayed in Turkey. On Feb. 16,
2005, Robert Pollock's "The Sick Man of Europe - Again" claimed that
"Islamism and leftism add up to anti-American madness in Turkey." A
March 23, 2005, conference on Turkey at the neoconservative American
Enterprise Institute featured Pollock, Richard Perle, and Michael
Rubin, all of whom had been harshly criticizing Ankara's policies in
the U.S. media. The Turkish press reciprocated with accounts of
American atrocities in Iraq. A spectacularly best-selling novel, Metal
Storm, described a United States invasion of Turkey and was reportedly
much read by senior politicians and military officers, while the most
popular locally made movie in Turkish history, Valley of the Wolves,
showed a Jewish American Army doctor harvesting Iraqi prisoner of war
organs for shipment to Tel Aviv, London, and New York.
On March 20, 2005, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld poured
gasoline on the fire, blaming Turkey for the consequences of its
refusal to permit an attack on Iraq from the north, saying, "Given the
level of the insurgency today, two years later, clearly if we had been
able to get the 4th Infantry Division in from the north ... more of the
... Ba'athist regime would have been captured or killed." Had Turkey
cooperated, Rumsfeld added, "The insurgency today would have been
less."
The U.S. also proved to be spectacularly insensitive regarding the
Kurdish issue. Turkey became the most anti-American nation on earth
when on July 4, 2003, American forces in Iraq briefly detained Turkish
special forces soldiers pursuing escaping PKK terrorists. The U.S.
troops put the Turks in the same restraints and hoods as Iraqi
prisoners, creating an image that still evokes anger among Turks and
which was recreated in Valley of the Wolves.
Turks believe that though the U.S. claims it is fighting terrorists
worldwide, it has ignored the PKK attacks that started in 1984 and
have cost of over 35,000 lives and $6 billion to $8 billion in
security costs per year. The problem is very real for Turkey and
something it can ill afford, but Washington is clearly not listening.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice promised Ankara on at least three
occasions that she would do something about the terrorism problem but
did nothing. Former Gen. Joseph Ralston was sent to the region as a
special emissary on the PKK problem in September 2006 with a White
House and State Department pledge of "total commitment" to find a
solution. Nothing was done and Ralston quickly found that he had no
support from Washington. He resigned in early October 2007.
The final blow to U.S.-Turkish relations came with the pointless
Armenian genocide resolution, which sailed through the House of
Representatives in early October 2007. The resolution was described by
both the White House and State Department as harmful to the national
interest but passed out of the Foreign Affairs Committee when seven
Democrats who had previously blocked such resolutions because of their
support for the Turkey-Israel relationship switched their votes to
provide the margin of victory. Committee Chairman Tom Lantos of
California led the switch, expressing the need for "solidarity with
the Armenian people" while acknowledging that a breach with Turkey
could "cause young men and women in the uniform of the United States
armed services to pay an even heavier price than they are currently
paying." Lantos reportedly was angry with the Turkish government for
its rapprochement with Syria and Iran, and his vote was intended "to
punish Ankara" even though he conceded that the killing of the
Armenians did not amount to genocide. Given the Israeli connection to
the genocide resolution, the Turks believed that insult had been added
to injury when the White House dispatched Dan Fried, assistant
secretary of state for European affairs, and the ever unpopular Eric
Edelman in his new role as undersecretary of defense for policy to
Ankara to attempt to ease Turkish anger over the congressional vote.
Both were regarded as primarily advocates for Israel. The meetings
also could not have been more poorly timed, as 15 Turkish soldiers had
been killed by the PKK in the previous week.
AntiWar.com
December 18, 2007
Turkey: Another Ally Lost
Philip Giraldi
Over the past six years the Bush administration, aided and abetted by
Congress, has trashed what used to be described as American foreign
policy. Foreign policy once was shaped around the U.S. national
interest, but no longer. Vulnerable key allies such as Pakistan, Saudi
Arabia, and Egypt are now struggling to deal with the consequences of
a U.S.-inspired rush to democracy that has advanced a flawed,
ideologically driven agenda. Russia was nearly a friend and is now
again an enemy. Afghanistan is a corrupt narco-state where the Taliban
is making a comeback and President Hamid Karzai is referred to as the
King of Kabul because his writ runs no farther. The less said about
Iraq the better. But amid all of the missteps and poor policy choices,
the loss of Turkey stands apart because Turkey was a close friend and
loyal ally of the United States when 9/11 took place. Nearly
everything has gone wrong between Washington and Ankara, with the
Turkish public's favorable assessment of the U.S. plummeting from 52
percent to 8 percent. And it did not have to happen.
Turkey actively supported the first Gulf War against Saddam Hussein.
In February 2002 Ankara provided troops for the multinational
International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) sent to occupy
Afghanistan, commanding ISAF twice for a total of 14 months, but the
relationship began to sour in 2002 when the United States was
confronted by political change in Turkey that it did not know how to
handle. Already actively planning to attack Iraq, the U.S. government
sent a team to Ankara on July 14, 2002, to negotiate terms for
Turkey's participation in a possible military action. The team was
headed by Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz and
Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Marc Grossman, a former
ambassador to Turkey. Both Grossman and Wolfowitz were also strong
advocates of the Turkey-Israel military relationship, which gave Tel
Aviv a powerful ally in a Muslim country and guaranteed that the U.S.
Congress would look benignly on Ankara.
The Turkish government appeared to be willing to accept an agreement
in exchange for a large financial aid package, but on Nov. 3, 2002,
parliamentary elections in Turkey replaced incumbent Prime Minister
Bulent Ecevit with Recep Tayyip Erdogan of the moderately Islamic
Justice and Development Party (AK). Wolfowitz and Grossman returned to
Turkey to negotiate with the new government. Erdogan was definitely
interested, if only to convince his critics within the Turkish
establishment and army that he was supportive of the Western alliance,
but polls taken in Turkey indicated that fully 87 percent of the
public opposed war against Iraq. Many recalled the 1991 Gulf War, in
which Turkey had to absorb more than half a million refugees and
suffered severe economic dislocation, including a currency collapse.
The Turks also believed that the U.S. was seeking to guarantee the
security of Israel by stopping a Muslim country from having either
weapons of mass destruction or the means to deliver them. It was noted
with some concern in the Turkish media that the spokesmen for the war
policy were all neoconservatives closely tied to Tel Aviv, notably
Wolfowitz, Grossman, Douglas Feith, Richard Perle, and Harold Rhode,
and that the Israel lobby in Washington had promoted the plans to
attack Iraq.
The Turkish General Staff, a major player in all foreign policy
decisions, was also cool to the war, harboring suspicions that a U.S.
intervention in Iraq would lead to the creation of an independent
Kurdish state. Wolfowitz appealed to the generals directly on his
second visit, bypassing the government and apparently suggesting that
they might want to overrule the civilians, something dangerously close
to a coup d'etat. The army expressed concern that if Turkey wound up
having to carry out a long occupation of the Kurdish region due to
American failure to successfully stabilize Iraq, the financial and
human costs would be unacceptably high.
As has frequently been the case, Washington, blind to many of the real
issues that were fueling Turkish reluctance, tried to buy cooperation.
Negotiations continued up to the last minute. Eventually the Turkish
leadership and the U.S. agreed on a package consisting of $6 billion
in immediate aid plus $24 billion in credits, but the open horse
trading did not help sell the product, as many parliamentarians
objected to the idea that they could be bought. Fifty thousand peace
demonstrators marched in Ankara during the acrimonious parliamentary
debate in which one deputy fainted and another suffered a heart
attack. The actual vote finally took place on March 1, and the
resolution failed to carry by three votes.
The parliamentary rejection was soon followed by a particularly
unfortunate choice for U.S. ambassador to Turkey. In July 2003 Eric S.
Edelman was named to the post and quickly became confrontational about
Turkey's failure to support the American agenda. The abrasive Edelman
was accused of acting "more like a colonial governor than an
ambassador. ... [He] is probably the least-liked and trusted American
ambassador in Turkish history." A petition that received thousands of
signatures was circulated demanding that he be declared persona non
grata and expelled from the country.
Edelman was not helped by press coverage coming from the U.S., which
was followed closely and frequently replayed in Turkey. On Feb. 16,
2005, Robert Pollock's "The Sick Man of Europe - Again" claimed that
"Islamism and leftism add up to anti-American madness in Turkey." A
March 23, 2005, conference on Turkey at the neoconservative American
Enterprise Institute featured Pollock, Richard Perle, and Michael
Rubin, all of whom had been harshly criticizing Ankara's policies in
the U.S. media. The Turkish press reciprocated with accounts of
American atrocities in Iraq. A spectacularly best-selling novel, Metal
Storm, described a United States invasion of Turkey and was reportedly
much read by senior politicians and military officers, while the most
popular locally made movie in Turkish history, Valley of the Wolves,
showed a Jewish American Army doctor harvesting Iraqi prisoner of war
organs for shipment to Tel Aviv, London, and New York.
On March 20, 2005, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld poured
gasoline on the fire, blaming Turkey for the consequences of its
refusal to permit an attack on Iraq from the north, saying, "Given the
level of the insurgency today, two years later, clearly if we had been
able to get the 4th Infantry Division in from the north ... more of the
... Ba'athist regime would have been captured or killed." Had Turkey
cooperated, Rumsfeld added, "The insurgency today would have been
less."
The U.S. also proved to be spectacularly insensitive regarding the
Kurdish issue. Turkey became the most anti-American nation on earth
when on July 4, 2003, American forces in Iraq briefly detained Turkish
special forces soldiers pursuing escaping PKK terrorists. The U.S.
troops put the Turks in the same restraints and hoods as Iraqi
prisoners, creating an image that still evokes anger among Turks and
which was recreated in Valley of the Wolves.
Turks believe that though the U.S. claims it is fighting terrorists
worldwide, it has ignored the PKK attacks that started in 1984 and
have cost of over 35,000 lives and $6 billion to $8 billion in
security costs per year. The problem is very real for Turkey and
something it can ill afford, but Washington is clearly not listening.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice promised Ankara on at least three
occasions that she would do something about the terrorism problem but
did nothing. Former Gen. Joseph Ralston was sent to the region as a
special emissary on the PKK problem in September 2006 with a White
House and State Department pledge of "total commitment" to find a
solution. Nothing was done and Ralston quickly found that he had no
support from Washington. He resigned in early October 2007.
The final blow to U.S.-Turkish relations came with the pointless
Armenian genocide resolution, which sailed through the House of
Representatives in early October 2007. The resolution was described by
both the White House and State Department as harmful to the national
interest but passed out of the Foreign Affairs Committee when seven
Democrats who had previously blocked such resolutions because of their
support for the Turkey-Israel relationship switched their votes to
provide the margin of victory. Committee Chairman Tom Lantos of
California led the switch, expressing the need for "solidarity with
the Armenian people" while acknowledging that a breach with Turkey
could "cause young men and women in the uniform of the United States
armed services to pay an even heavier price than they are currently
paying." Lantos reportedly was angry with the Turkish government for
its rapprochement with Syria and Iran, and his vote was intended "to
punish Ankara" even though he conceded that the killing of the
Armenians did not amount to genocide. Given the Israeli connection to
the genocide resolution, the Turks believed that insult had been added
to injury when the White House dispatched Dan Fried, assistant
secretary of state for European affairs, and the ever unpopular Eric
Edelman in his new role as undersecretary of defense for policy to
Ankara to attempt to ease Turkish anger over the congressional vote.
Both were regarded as primarily advocates for Israel. The meetings
also could not have been more poorly timed, as 15 Turkish soldiers had
been killed by the PKK in the previous week.