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ANKARA: Open Letter From Turkish NGOs:Turks Are Ready To Confront Th

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  • ANKARA: Open Letter From Turkish NGOs:Turks Are Ready To Confront Th

    OPEN LETTER FROM TURKISH NGOS:TURKS ARE READY TO CONFRONT THEIR HISTORY, ARE ARMENIANS READY TO CONFRONT THE TRUTH?

    The New Anatolian, Turkey
    Jan 10 2006

    Dear Sir, Dear Madam,

    As representatives of Turkish 153 Non Governmental Organizations
    (NGOs) we would like to express our deep concern and disappointment
    regarding the "genocide" accusation inflicted upon our ancestors.

    Herewith, we would like to convey our views and the grounds which
    oblige us to explain such allegations.

    There are accusations from almost all over the world for an "Armenian
    genocide" which derive mainly from the prejudiced sources provided by
    the Armenian view. There are various reasons why this view of history
    has become the accepted wisdom in the world at large. No single issue
    moves the Armenian diaspora as much as what has come to be known as
    genocide, and many Armenians, having attained positions of wealth and
    influence throughout the western world, have made the perpetuation of
    this issue their crusade. As a result, virtually all the information
    that we have concerning the tragic events of 1915 comes from Armenian
    sources, or of their sympathizers. What works to the pro-Armenians'
    advantage is that the western world has failed to regard the two
    peoples on an equal plane. The much greater suffering endured by the
    Muslims of the period has been almost completely ignored.

    The inherent prejudice that prevents most people from analyzing these
    events with an open mind presents as significant an obstacle today
    as it did during the time of the events. It is unfortunate that the
    image of the "Terrible Turk" is still alive and well. Those who can
    overcome their ingrained bigotry and objectively look at the genuine
    evidence soon become aware that what is known as "Turkish propaganda"
    stems mainly from sources without reason to be false. These are the
    very western sources that have often maintained their prejudices
    against the Turkish people, along with internal Ottoman documents
    never meant to be public relations exercises. Today's so-called
    genocide scholars overwhelmingly support the Armenian thesis, but
    there are very few historians among their ranks. Many conclude there
    was genocide first, and then fit selective evidence to support their
    conclusion; in effect, working in reverse of what we would normally
    expect of genuine scholars.

    After the wave of Armenian terrorism hit in the 1970s and 80s,
    this subject began to be studied seriously, and many specialists in
    Ottoman history came to reject the notion of genocide. For example,
    69 Western academicians signed a 1985 statement to that effect.

    Targeted increasingly by ad hominem attacks, most were intimidated
    away from this debate. As a result, the pro-Armenians have succeeded
    in presenting the image that it is only the Turkish government that
    has come to "deny" this alleged genocide.

    In the face of this malicious campaign to distort history, what stands
    out is that pro-Armenians have rarely expressed willingness to engage
    in honest debate. One must ask, if they are so certain of their facts,
    what have they got to be afraid of? Why, for example, have they refused
    to take their case to the International Court of Justice in The Hague?

    The truth is that during World War I, when the Ottoman forces
    were fighting on five fronts, they also faced an armed uprising of
    Armenians. At the instigation and with the support of Czarist Russia,
    Armenian insurgents sought to establish an Armenian state in an area
    which was predominantly Muslim. With the Russian invasion of eastern
    Anatolia, the degree of Armenian collaboration with the Russian enemy
    increased dramatically. The Ottoman army's rear was gravely threatened
    when supply lines were cut by Armenian guerilla bands.

    Furthermore, Armenian revolutionary bands massacred the Muslims
    of the province of Van, in anticipation of the expected arrival of
    the invading Russian armies. The Ottoman government's response was
    to order the relocation of its Armenian subjects from the path of
    invading Russians and other areas where they might undermine the
    Ottoman war effort.

    That the Ottoman State's Armenian minority launched a bloody
    insurrection at the very time the country was fighting a World War
    goes a long way towards explaining the resultant suffering that was
    borne by Armenians and non- Armenians alike. Most of the casualties
    from both sides were victims of famine, disease and exposure, as well
    as inter-ethnic clashes and regular warfare. A favorite pro-Armenian
    source, Ambassador Henry Morgenthau, himself had written that thousands
    of Turks were dying daily from starvation because few were left to till
    the fields; he estimated an entire quarter of the Turkish population
    had died of starvation alone. It is not correct to deem the great
    numbers of Armenians who died from the same causes as 'victims of
    genocide'. Ottoman archives which are now open to research without
    any restriction contain tens of thousands of documents shedding light
    on the relocation process. Among them are a great number of Ottoman
    Government directives ordering the governors, military commanders and
    other public officials, to implement the relocation in an orderly way,
    taking the necessary measures for the security of those who were
    being moved, with maximum care for the protection of their lives
    and possessions? (However, it is also a fact that orders from the
    central government were not always followed by local officials. As
    often happens with operations of great magnitude, particularly those
    undertaken at the last minute with limited resources and manpower,
    not everything went smoothly.)

    In the overall implementation of the relocation the nonexistence of
    even a disguised intent to kill and destroy is obvious. This could
    also be deduced from the following indications: All along the war the
    Armenian population continued to exist in most of western Anatolia,
    such as in Istanbul and Izmir where the government was in control,
    and were not subjected to relocation. Those who were subjected
    to relocation had to travel on foot because of lack of proper
    transportation and were unfortunately attacked by lawless bands and
    other renegade forces. This is the opposite of what one would expect
    if there had been a government implemented policy of genocide.

    Meanwhile, high level Armenian bureaucrats continued to serve in the
    Ottoman government.

    Contrary to overriding belief, the great wave of immigration
    of Armenians came well after the war was over, and after many had
    returned to their homes in what was left of the Ottoman Empire. The
    Armenian Patriarch estimated some 645,000 remained as late as 1921.

    500,000 had already mostly traveled, on their own accord, to
    Transcaucasia alone, according to a UCLA Armenian professor.

    Armenians today concede one million survived. The pre-war population
    according to most neutral Western sources of the period (such as the
    Encyclopedia Britannica) was around 1.5 million. Pro-Armenian claims
    that 1.5 million were killed are arithmetically impossible.

    Often called the "foremost authority on the Armenian Genocide," Prof.

    Vahakn Dadrian himself had written (in Sept. 21, 2004) that "in
    1916 ... the genocide had all but run its course." He was referring
    to the relocation policy, but it is obvious that such a policy in
    itself cannot be termed genocide. (Otherwise, the movement of W.W.II
    Japanese-Americans would be similarly defined.) The question must
    also be asked that if this process was the kind of Hitlerian "Final
    Solution" it is often compared to, why should it have come to a halt
    so soon?

    The 1948 United Nations Convention on Genocide requires "intent"
    to be proven. Aside from hearsay, there is absolutely no factual
    evidence proving any such thing. Similarly, the Armenians had been
    a "political group" aiming to ethnically cleanse the Turks in a
    sizeable part of eastern Anatolia, in an effort to establish their
    own independent state. "Political groups" are not among the groups
    protected under the Genocide Convention.

    A "Nuremberg" was held at the end of the war, in the form of the
    Malta Tribunal (1919-1921). The British sought the evidence to convict
    accused Ottomans, numbering over 144 at one point. The U.S.

    State archives were their last resort (significantly, the very
    foundation of most "Armenian genocide evidence" today), and the British
    Embassy in Washington delivered the following message on July 13, 1921:
    "I regret to inform your Lordship that there was nothing therein which
    could be used as evidence against the Turks who are being detained for
    trial in Malta." Consequently, without going to trial, every single
    prisoner was freed. The point here is that the 144 prisoners were
    released without any charges being brought. Some 1,600 Turks were,
    on the other hand, taken to tribunals and court-martials during the
    war in their own country, for crimes against Armenians. Most were
    convicted, and over sixty were condemned to death. These actions are
    hardly consistent with an intended genocide.

    The truth is that the Armenians' portrayal of themselves as the
    helpless victims of "The First Genocide of the 20th Century"
    is without any basis. Even that claim is inaccurate; there were
    systematic extermination campaigns earlier in the century preceding
    the Armenians, as in Albania, South West Africa, and the Philippines.

    Often ignored, the Balkan Turks were victims of an enormous ethnic
    cleansing campaign, also preceding the Armenian experience. Once again,
    it is prejudice that prevents the world at large from recognizing
    the tremendous tragedies the Turks suffered.

    During 1918-1920, the newly formed Republic of Armenia systematically
    exterminated their own Muslims, constituting some 38% of their
    population. During and after World War I, the Armenians also killed
    over half a million Ottomans, mostly Muslims including the entire
    Jewish population of the caucuses, numbers that are documented in
    the Ottoman archives. Few Western sources will corroborate this very
    unknown tragedy because Muslim and Jewish lives were insignificant. A
    British colonel by the name of Wooley, according to the U.S.

    Archives, estimated that 300,000-400,000 Ottoman Muslims were killed
    by Armenians in three districts alone. What disturbs us most is that
    in the midst of deportations, massacres, ethnic cleansing, and other
    atrocities, only the deaths of the Armenians is selected and falsely
    characterized as genocide. Genocide can briefly be described as
    killing people for what they are, rather than what they have done. No
    mention is made of the Greek mass murder of Muslims in Anatolia (well
    documented), the mass murder of Muslims when the Russians captured
    Erzurum (well documented), the mass murder of Muslims in Van (well
    documented), and the mass murder of Jews in Van (well documented).

    Uniquely the death of the Armenians is singled out and termed genocide
    with lack of any reliable documentation. Turkey does not make light of
    its appalling treatment of the Armenians but it seems that governments
    in the west have chosen to ignore the deaths of innocent Muslims,
    let alone accept that these cases were genocide: government sponsored
    elimination of thousands of civilians for no other reason than that
    they belonged to a particular religion.

    If Armenia adopts a realistic attitude and is not fearful of
    confronting its past, a mixed commission to investigate the issue
    could be established. In this context, first, the two parties should
    set up a mixed committee of Turkish and Armenian historians. Second,
    they should declare that they will open their respective archives
    without any restriction on research. Third, representatives from an
    international organization, for instance UNESCO, should be a part of
    this process, assuming the role of public notary.

    If the Armenian side is truly certain about the righteousness of
    its claim, it should not hesitate to espouse this proposal and thus
    contribute to bringing clarity to this period of our mutual history.

    Yours sincerely, On behalf of the joint 153 NGOs' initiative
    Prof. Dr. Aysel Eksi [email protected]
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