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The Independent (UK)
By Nouritza Matossian and Daniel Howden
Published: 04 July 2007
A small, sweltering courtroom in Istanbul has become the focal point
for an intense examination of Turkey's democratic freedoms and the
independence of its judiciary.
On trial inside the room yesterday were 14 defendants accused of
involvement in the murder of the campaigning journalist Hrant Dink.
The doors will stay closed to the media, because the person accused of
pulling the trigger in a murder that shook Turkey is a 17-year-old
boy.
Outside, thousands gathered with banners proclaiming solidarity with
the dead Turkish-Armenian writer: "We are all still Hrant Dink"; "We
want to see justice done." Many Turks are convinced that a so-called
"deep state" - a network of state agents or former officials, possibly
with links to organised crime - periodically targets reformists and
other perceived enemies in the name of nationalism.
Yesterday, lawyers representing the Dink family called on the court to
broaden its investigation beyond the current suspects, all from the
northern Turkish city of Trabzon. Already, two of the key suspects,
Yasin Hayal and Erhan Tuncel, claimed they worked for the security
forces, while the alleged teenage gunman, Ogun Samast, has remained
silent during the trial.
To his supporters, Dink was a modern Turkish hero: "He symbolises free
speech," said one supporter. An Armenian orphan who had grown up in
the most deprived conditions, he endured racial discrimination and
fought for the dignity and rights of minorities. He used this platform
to campaign for entry into the EU, friendship between Turks and
Armenians, free speech and a free press. Dink became the target of
thousands of death threats, and was harassed by six charges under the
infamous Article 301 for "insulting Turkishness".
Mr Dink's lawyers have claimed that senior officials, whose names
should have appeared in court papers, have been withheld and evidence
such as CCTV tapes of the killing have been removed. One of the
suspects, Erhan Tuncel, claimed in court that police intelligence
refused to respond to his warnings that the killing was being planned:
"They did not get in touch with me, saying they were busy."
The trial, which will be resumed in October after initial hearings,
takes place in the shadow of impending elections. The ruling AK party
of the Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, has been attacked by
liberals; and nationalists have attacked the government variously for
inertia in the Dink case, or for pandering to the Armenian minority.
In a moving appeal to the judge, Dink's widow, Rakel, said: "You are
not of this darkness, please be brave enough to investigate fully so
that the end of the trial will mark a new enlightenment for Turkey. I
forgive those people, but I want the state to clear this case fully
for the future generations."
There was upheaval in court when Kemal Aytac, one of the defendant's
lawyers, attacked the Dink family with nationalist insults and called
them "traitors". Mr Dink's daughter, Baydzar, left the courtroom in
tears.
As Orhan Dink, Hrant's brother, said in his testimony: "We, as the
family of Hrant, never will be winners or losers of this case. The
outcome of this case, instead, will prove whether Turkey will be the
winner or loser."
Dink saw his death coming
Hrant Dink was born in 1954 in south-east Turkey, the former heartland
of Turkish Armenia.
After graduating from university, he ran a bookshop with his brothers.
Then in 1996 he founded Agos (Ploughed Furrow), the weekly magazine
published in Armenian and Turkish, that made him famous.
He became a pivotal figure in Turkey, speaking out about democracy,
human rights and free speech as well as minority rights. But he became
deeply unpopular with Turkey's so-called "deep state", the secret
alliance of ultra-nationalist bureaucrats, lawyers and criminals, and
his stubborn declarations of Turkish guilt for the Armenian genocide
resulted in frequent persecution.
In October 2005, he was given a six-month sentence for "insulting
Turkishness", a verdict he described as "a bad joke".
He saw his death coming. Days before his assassination he wrote: "For
me, 2007 is likely to be a hard year... Hundreds of threats via phone
calls, emails and letters are pouring down... It is obvious that those
wishing to single me out and render me weak and defenceless have
achieved their goal."
By Nouritza Matossian and Daniel Howden
Published: 04 July 2007
A small, sweltering courtroom in Istanbul has become the focal point
for an intense examination of Turkey's democratic freedoms and the
independence of its judiciary.
On trial inside the room yesterday were 14 defendants accused of
involvement in the murder of the campaigning journalist Hrant Dink.
The doors will stay closed to the media, because the person accused of
pulling the trigger in a murder that shook Turkey is a 17-year-old
boy.
Outside, thousands gathered with banners proclaiming solidarity with
the dead Turkish-Armenian writer: "We are all still Hrant Dink"; "We
want to see justice done." Many Turks are convinced that a so-called
"deep state" - a network of state agents or former officials, possibly
with links to organised crime - periodically targets reformists and
other perceived enemies in the name of nationalism.
Yesterday, lawyers representing the Dink family called on the court to
broaden its investigation beyond the current suspects, all from the
northern Turkish city of Trabzon. Already, two of the key suspects,
Yasin Hayal and Erhan Tuncel, claimed they worked for the security
forces, while the alleged teenage gunman, Ogun Samast, has remained
silent during the trial.
To his supporters, Dink was a modern Turkish hero: "He symbolises free
speech," said one supporter. An Armenian orphan who had grown up in
the most deprived conditions, he endured racial discrimination and
fought for the dignity and rights of minorities. He used this platform
to campaign for entry into the EU, friendship between Turks and
Armenians, free speech and a free press. Dink became the target of
thousands of death threats, and was harassed by six charges under the
infamous Article 301 for "insulting Turkishness".
Mr Dink's lawyers have claimed that senior officials, whose names
should have appeared in court papers, have been withheld and evidence
such as CCTV tapes of the killing have been removed. One of the
suspects, Erhan Tuncel, claimed in court that police intelligence
refused to respond to his warnings that the killing was being planned:
"They did not get in touch with me, saying they were busy."
The trial, which will be resumed in October after initial hearings,
takes place in the shadow of impending elections. The ruling AK party
of the Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, has been attacked by
liberals; and nationalists have attacked the government variously for
inertia in the Dink case, or for pandering to the Armenian minority.
In a moving appeal to the judge, Dink's widow, Rakel, said: "You are
not of this darkness, please be brave enough to investigate fully so
that the end of the trial will mark a new enlightenment for Turkey. I
forgive those people, but I want the state to clear this case fully
for the future generations."
There was upheaval in court when Kemal Aytac, one of the defendant's
lawyers, attacked the Dink family with nationalist insults and called
them "traitors". Mr Dink's daughter, Baydzar, left the courtroom in
tears.
As Orhan Dink, Hrant's brother, said in his testimony: "We, as the
family of Hrant, never will be winners or losers of this case. The
outcome of this case, instead, will prove whether Turkey will be the
winner or loser."
Dink saw his death coming
Hrant Dink was born in 1954 in south-east Turkey, the former heartland
of Turkish Armenia.
After graduating from university, he ran a bookshop with his brothers.
Then in 1996 he founded Agos (Ploughed Furrow), the weekly magazine
published in Armenian and Turkish, that made him famous.
He became a pivotal figure in Turkey, speaking out about democracy,
human rights and free speech as well as minority rights. But he became
deeply unpopular with Turkey's so-called "deep state", the secret
alliance of ultra-nationalist bureaucrats, lawyers and criminals, and
his stubborn declarations of Turkish guilt for the Armenian genocide
resulted in frequent persecution.
In October 2005, he was given a six-month sentence for "insulting
Turkishness", a verdict he described as "a bad joke".
He saw his death coming. Days before his assassination he wrote: "For
me, 2007 is likely to be a hard year... Hundreds of threats via phone
calls, emails and letters are pouring down... It is obvious that those
wishing to single me out and render me weak and defenceless have
achieved their goal."