THE MEANING OF SARKOZY
View by Sahin Alpay (TZ)
Journal of Turkish Weekly, Turkey
June 4 2007
Last month Nicolas Sarkozy was elected president of France. France
is not a country that is familiar to me. I have neither lived in
France, nor have the ability to read or write French. I follow
what is happening there mostly by reading books and newspapers in
the languages available to me. I am aware that Sarkozy has promised
France more authority, more uniculturalism, less immigration, more
work, less bureaucracy, more market, closer relations with America,
among other things. He does not, however, give me the impression
that he is to achieve more "power and grandeur" for France. If I were
French I would undoubtedly have voted for his rival Segolene Royal,
but the choice of the leader is surely up to the French people.
The election of Sarkozy concerns me only with respect to what he
promises for the future of the EU and of Turkey. The question I have
in mind is this: What is the meaning of Sarkozy from the perspective
of the EU and of Turkey in the EU? Let me begin with Turkey. Turkey
was perhaps the country where the "soft power" of the EU, that is
its ability to attract and persuade countries to adopt its norms and
goals, proved most effective. The promise of EU membership encouraged,
especially in the period between 1999 and 2005, Turkey to adopt under
various governments -- particularly under the Justice and Development
Party government (dubbed "Islamist" by its opponents) -- remarkable
reforms to broaden its democracy and to modernize its economy. The
recognition of Turkey's European identity by the EEC in 1963, and
its confirmation by the EC in 1989 and by the EU in 1999 has surely
been the greatest incentive for the Turkish reform program which has
rightly been called a "Quiet Revolution."
Sarkozy's shift from his party's traditional position of supporting
Turkey's EU bid and adoption of Giscard d'Estaing's ("Turkey's
membership would be the end of the EU") position, his pronouncements
that "Turkey should recognize the Armenian Genocide", that "Turkey
cannot become a member of the EU even if it recognizes the Armenian
Genocide," and his offer to Turkey of membership in the "Mediterranean
Union" instead of the EU has definitely helped the soft power of the
EU over Turkey to approach the point of extinction.
Will Sarkozy in power, as is argued by some, behave differently towards
Turkey than Sarkozy during the election campaign? I am in no position
to tell. I do know, however, that the growing role of the military
in Turkey's politics as witnessed by the e-memorandum of April 27,
and the increased risk in Turkey of the reversal of the gains of the
"Quiet Revolution" is closely related with the opposition to Turkey's
EU membership that began with Angela Merkel in Germany and continued
with Nicolas Sarkozy in France. I disagree with those who claim
that the military in Turkey has from the outset opposed Turkey's EU
accession process. I believe that the military in Turkey is once again
immersed in politics as a consequence of European leaders trying to
derail that process.
It is in a strange twist of history that France under the leadership
of Sarkozy has assumed the leading role in pushing Turkey out of
Europe. France is the country which has historically made perhaps the
greatest impact on Turkey's Europeanization. Had Turkey's Unionist and
Kemalist leaders been attracted more by British than French ideas,
the course of history in Turkey would certainly have followed a
different path. The role of ideas that originate from France in
the shaping the secular fundamentalist, nationalist and centralist
ideology of state elites of Turkey cannot be underestimated.
Merkel, under the pressure of her social democratic partners, at least
abides by the "pacta sund servanda" principle. Sarkozy and his likes,
on the other hand, seem to have no respect for that principle, and
no concern at all for the EU's credibility and respectability.
Their attitude boils down to the abandonment of the ideal of Europe
united on the universal values of human rights, rule of law, democracy,
and respect for cultural diversity, and the embrace instead of the
ideal of Europe as a cultural union, as a "Christian Club."
By trying to push Turkey out of Europe, Sarkozy and others not
only send the signal to millions of Muslims in Europe that they
are second-class citizens and are to remain so, but by refusing
to lend support to the consolidation of democracy and the rule
of law in Turkey, they are also likely to alienate the social and
political forces in the Muslim world who are struggling for freedom
and democracy.
View by Sahin Alpay (TZ)
Journal of Turkish Weekly, Turkey
June 4 2007
Last month Nicolas Sarkozy was elected president of France. France
is not a country that is familiar to me. I have neither lived in
France, nor have the ability to read or write French. I follow
what is happening there mostly by reading books and newspapers in
the languages available to me. I am aware that Sarkozy has promised
France more authority, more uniculturalism, less immigration, more
work, less bureaucracy, more market, closer relations with America,
among other things. He does not, however, give me the impression
that he is to achieve more "power and grandeur" for France. If I were
French I would undoubtedly have voted for his rival Segolene Royal,
but the choice of the leader is surely up to the French people.
The election of Sarkozy concerns me only with respect to what he
promises for the future of the EU and of Turkey. The question I have
in mind is this: What is the meaning of Sarkozy from the perspective
of the EU and of Turkey in the EU? Let me begin with Turkey. Turkey
was perhaps the country where the "soft power" of the EU, that is
its ability to attract and persuade countries to adopt its norms and
goals, proved most effective. The promise of EU membership encouraged,
especially in the period between 1999 and 2005, Turkey to adopt under
various governments -- particularly under the Justice and Development
Party government (dubbed "Islamist" by its opponents) -- remarkable
reforms to broaden its democracy and to modernize its economy. The
recognition of Turkey's European identity by the EEC in 1963, and
its confirmation by the EC in 1989 and by the EU in 1999 has surely
been the greatest incentive for the Turkish reform program which has
rightly been called a "Quiet Revolution."
Sarkozy's shift from his party's traditional position of supporting
Turkey's EU bid and adoption of Giscard d'Estaing's ("Turkey's
membership would be the end of the EU") position, his pronouncements
that "Turkey should recognize the Armenian Genocide", that "Turkey
cannot become a member of the EU even if it recognizes the Armenian
Genocide," and his offer to Turkey of membership in the "Mediterranean
Union" instead of the EU has definitely helped the soft power of the
EU over Turkey to approach the point of extinction.
Will Sarkozy in power, as is argued by some, behave differently towards
Turkey than Sarkozy during the election campaign? I am in no position
to tell. I do know, however, that the growing role of the military
in Turkey's politics as witnessed by the e-memorandum of April 27,
and the increased risk in Turkey of the reversal of the gains of the
"Quiet Revolution" is closely related with the opposition to Turkey's
EU membership that began with Angela Merkel in Germany and continued
with Nicolas Sarkozy in France. I disagree with those who claim
that the military in Turkey has from the outset opposed Turkey's EU
accession process. I believe that the military in Turkey is once again
immersed in politics as a consequence of European leaders trying to
derail that process.
It is in a strange twist of history that France under the leadership
of Sarkozy has assumed the leading role in pushing Turkey out of
Europe. France is the country which has historically made perhaps the
greatest impact on Turkey's Europeanization. Had Turkey's Unionist and
Kemalist leaders been attracted more by British than French ideas,
the course of history in Turkey would certainly have followed a
different path. The role of ideas that originate from France in
the shaping the secular fundamentalist, nationalist and centralist
ideology of state elites of Turkey cannot be underestimated.
Merkel, under the pressure of her social democratic partners, at least
abides by the "pacta sund servanda" principle. Sarkozy and his likes,
on the other hand, seem to have no respect for that principle, and
no concern at all for the EU's credibility and respectability.
Their attitude boils down to the abandonment of the ideal of Europe
united on the universal values of human rights, rule of law, democracy,
and respect for cultural diversity, and the embrace instead of the
ideal of Europe as a cultural union, as a "Christian Club."
By trying to push Turkey out of Europe, Sarkozy and others not
only send the signal to millions of Muslims in Europe that they
are second-class citizens and are to remain so, but by refusing
to lend support to the consolidation of democracy and the rule
of law in Turkey, they are also likely to alienate the social and
political forces in the Muslim world who are struggling for freedom
and democracy.
