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THE LIMITS OF DEMOCRACY
By: Steven and Cokie Roberts, NEA Columnists
Evening Sun , NY
May 18 2007
In his second inaugural address President Bush proclaimed: "It is
the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of
democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture,
with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world."
Like most Americans we cherish democratic values and believe deeply
in our system. But it's increasingly clear that Bush's vision for
transforming world politics - particularly in the Middle East -
has rammed into an enormous roadblock.
The essence of democracy is not majority rule, but tolerance of
dissent and respect for minority rights. What happens when elections
bring to power intolerant forces that impose their will on others?
What happens when ethnic or religious factions feel abused and assert
their right to self-rule?
Both issues are highlighted by the current political crisis in Turkey,
a firm American ally in a dangerous neighborhood that shares borders
with Syria, Iraq and Iran. As a result, the president's commitment to
"democratic movements and institutions" is being put to a severe test.
Turkey is a Muslim country with a long history of secular politics
dating back to the inspirational leadership of Kemal Ataturk in the
1920s. But today, Turkey is ruled by an Islamist party that wants
to install one of its own leaders, Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul,
as the nation's president (who is now chosen by Parliament).
This prospect deeply alarms the country's secular elite, which fears
the imposition of Islamic laws and traditions. Gul's wife, they note,
wears a religious headscarf - exactly the sort of backward, old-world
custom Ataturk tried so hard to eradicate from Turkish culture.
Demonstrations against Gul have choked the streets of major cities.
Opposition parties blocked his election by boycotting the vote in
Parliament, and the courts upheld their maneuver. Turkey's large and
powerful army, which sees itself as the guardian of Ataturk's legacy,
has threatened to intervene.
Meanwhile, Gul's Justice and Development Party is trying to change the
law and create a directly elected president, and the foreign minister
confidently predicts he'd get 70 percent of the popular vote. "That's
why we have decided to go to the people," he told the Turkish Press.
So what's the pro-democratic position here? It's not at all clear.
The Islamist majority certainly has a point when it says "the people"
should elect the president. And the army, which threatens to oust
a popularly chosen government, is not exactly waving the banner
of liberty.
But what if the new president does not respect national tradition? Or
wants to impose religious standards and practices on the secularists?
And how democratic is it to change the election law, virtually
overnight, just because the current system has thwarted your ambitions?
Turkey's democratic values are also threatened in the country's
southeast region, home to a restless Kurdish minority. The central
government in Ankara has refused to recognize Kurdish aspirations
for independence and insisted on national unity. A Kurdish guerilla
movement, based in northern Iraq, periodically crosses the border to
raid Turkish government outposts.
Again, what's the democratic position? The government insists that
the Kurds should accept majority rule, stay loyal to the nation and
end their military campaign. The Kurds insist that they have a right
to self-determination. It is an accident of history and geography,
they say, that Kurds are scattered across at least three countries
(Turkey, Iran and Iraq). They should enjoy the same independence as
Armenians or Uzbeks or any other national group in the area.
Turkey is only one example of the limits of democracy. Elections
in Iraq produced a Shia-dominated government that has failed to
grant sufficient power to the Sunni minority, or to control militias
organized by fellow religionists. The Kurds have established a largely
autonomous state in the north, outside the writ and rule of Baghdad.
In Lebanon, elections created a parliamentary base for Hezbollah,
a heavily armed terrorist organization, which is now demanding veto
power over the government in Beirut. In the Palestinian territories,
voters chose a ruling coalition dominated by Hamas, a party that
refuses to recognize Israel or renounce violence. If fair elections
were ever held in Egypt, a fundamentalist and anti-Western group,
the Muslim Brotherhood, would certainly command considerable support.
Is democracy still the best governing system? Of course it is. Are
democracies less likely to make war on each other, as President Bush
insists? Absolutely. But democracy can also be a very messy process,
producing governments that don't believe in democratic values, and
don't share America's view of the world.
Steve Roberts' latest book is "My Fathers' Houses: Memoir of a Family"
(William Morrow, 2005). Steve and Cokie Roberts can be contacted by
e-mail at [email protected].
http://www.evesun.com/chena ngo-county/news-stories/2007-05-18/1935/The-limits -of-democracy
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
By: Steven and Cokie Roberts, NEA Columnists
Evening Sun , NY
May 18 2007
In his second inaugural address President Bush proclaimed: "It is
the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of
democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture,
with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world."
Like most Americans we cherish democratic values and believe deeply
in our system. But it's increasingly clear that Bush's vision for
transforming world politics - particularly in the Middle East -
has rammed into an enormous roadblock.
The essence of democracy is not majority rule, but tolerance of
dissent and respect for minority rights. What happens when elections
bring to power intolerant forces that impose their will on others?
What happens when ethnic or religious factions feel abused and assert
their right to self-rule?
Both issues are highlighted by the current political crisis in Turkey,
a firm American ally in a dangerous neighborhood that shares borders
with Syria, Iraq and Iran. As a result, the president's commitment to
"democratic movements and institutions" is being put to a severe test.
Turkey is a Muslim country with a long history of secular politics
dating back to the inspirational leadership of Kemal Ataturk in the
1920s. But today, Turkey is ruled by an Islamist party that wants
to install one of its own leaders, Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul,
as the nation's president (who is now chosen by Parliament).
This prospect deeply alarms the country's secular elite, which fears
the imposition of Islamic laws and traditions. Gul's wife, they note,
wears a religious headscarf - exactly the sort of backward, old-world
custom Ataturk tried so hard to eradicate from Turkish culture.
Demonstrations against Gul have choked the streets of major cities.
Opposition parties blocked his election by boycotting the vote in
Parliament, and the courts upheld their maneuver. Turkey's large and
powerful army, which sees itself as the guardian of Ataturk's legacy,
has threatened to intervene.
Meanwhile, Gul's Justice and Development Party is trying to change the
law and create a directly elected president, and the foreign minister
confidently predicts he'd get 70 percent of the popular vote. "That's
why we have decided to go to the people," he told the Turkish Press.
So what's the pro-democratic position here? It's not at all clear.
The Islamist majority certainly has a point when it says "the people"
should elect the president. And the army, which threatens to oust
a popularly chosen government, is not exactly waving the banner
of liberty.
But what if the new president does not respect national tradition? Or
wants to impose religious standards and practices on the secularists?
And how democratic is it to change the election law, virtually
overnight, just because the current system has thwarted your ambitions?
Turkey's democratic values are also threatened in the country's
southeast region, home to a restless Kurdish minority. The central
government in Ankara has refused to recognize Kurdish aspirations
for independence and insisted on national unity. A Kurdish guerilla
movement, based in northern Iraq, periodically crosses the border to
raid Turkish government outposts.
Again, what's the democratic position? The government insists that
the Kurds should accept majority rule, stay loyal to the nation and
end their military campaign. The Kurds insist that they have a right
to self-determination. It is an accident of history and geography,
they say, that Kurds are scattered across at least three countries
(Turkey, Iran and Iraq). They should enjoy the same independence as
Armenians or Uzbeks or any other national group in the area.
Turkey is only one example of the limits of democracy. Elections
in Iraq produced a Shia-dominated government that has failed to
grant sufficient power to the Sunni minority, or to control militias
organized by fellow religionists. The Kurds have established a largely
autonomous state in the north, outside the writ and rule of Baghdad.
In Lebanon, elections created a parliamentary base for Hezbollah,
a heavily armed terrorist organization, which is now demanding veto
power over the government in Beirut. In the Palestinian territories,
voters chose a ruling coalition dominated by Hamas, a party that
refuses to recognize Israel or renounce violence. If fair elections
were ever held in Egypt, a fundamentalist and anti-Western group,
the Muslim Brotherhood, would certainly command considerable support.
Is democracy still the best governing system? Of course it is. Are
democracies less likely to make war on each other, as President Bush
insists? Absolutely. But democracy can also be a very messy process,
producing governments that don't believe in democratic values, and
don't share America's view of the world.
Steve Roberts' latest book is "My Fathers' Houses: Memoir of a Family"
(William Morrow, 2005). Steve and Cokie Roberts can be contacted by
e-mail at [email protected].
http://www.evesun.com/chena ngo-county/news-stories/2007-05-18/1935/The-limits -of-democracy
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress