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ANKARA: US Presidential Elections And The Moscow-Washington Line

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  • ANKARA: US Presidential Elections And The Moscow-Washington Line

    US PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS AND THE MOSCOW-WASHINGTON LINE
    Habibe Kader Ozdal

    Journal of Turkish Weekly
    www.en.rian.ru/russia/20081105/118142379.ht ml
    Nov 20 2008
    Turkey

    After the victory of Obama in US presidential elections, the attention
    turned on the up-coming US policies over the world issues. While all
    the newspapers were predominantly emphasizing Obama's victory that
    was liken a revolution, Moscow had witnessed a very consequential
    speech of Medvedev. During his first nation-address since he took
    over the presidency form Putin, Medvedev pointed out very important
    issues on both domestic issues and foreign affairs.

    First of all, Medvedev clearly stated that as a response to the US
    missile defense deployment which are to build in Poland and Czech
    Republic, Russia will deploy Iskander missile system in Kaliningrad
    close to Poland border just to neutralize the US. However, this
    project would come into existence as a response to the plan to place
    the U.S. missile system in Eastern Europe.

    The second point Medvedev pointed was on domestic politics of Russia.

    According to Medvedev the term of presidency should be extended
    from four to six years. But legal experts say the term extensions
    would only apply to future presidents. On the other hand arguments
    focus on that Medvedev was only paving the way for 12 more years of
    Putin in the Kremlin. Moreover Russian lawmakers have approved the
    second reading of a bill extending the presidential term from four
    to six years last Friday. However the statement of Medvedev raised
    the concerns of West on the democratisation of Russia.

    Russia-US Relations

    After the presidency election in the US, the relations between Russia
    and the US had become one of the main issues on the agenda. First of
    all, it should be mentioned that the arguments of McCain over Russia
    were apparently more aggressive and Anti-Russian. On the other hand
    president-elect Obama has been perceived more moderate in terms
    of his statements. After the result of the election the US foreign
    policy lines came to view. Since it is claimed that the priority will
    be Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan but not the Russia on the
    Obama's foreign policy agenda, arguments focus on the probability
    that US-Russia relations might stay behind.

    Among with these issues, the US has sent a proposal on missile defence
    system to Kremlin last week. The proposal might also aim to soften
    Russia's position on the US' plan to deploy missile defence system
    in Eastern Europe. However, according to Kremlin the proposal was
    not satisfactory.

    It is more probably that during Obama's presidency White House and
    Kremlin could step forward for disarmament. Especially Democrats'
    perspective of missile defence system as costly and technologically
    unproven, give hope for such a cooperation. The most obvious
    expectation is the re-negotiation of Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty
    (START1) that signed between the US and the Soviet Union in July 1992
    and expires by the end of 2009. It would be appropriate to mention here
    such a negotiation could be possible only conditionally. And it will
    depend on the cancellation of US' missile defence system in Eastern
    Europe. Further more experts emphasize the need of reconsideration
    of ex-agreements rather than accepting them as they are. [1]

    It would be impetuous to expect dramatic changes in US-Russia relations
    during Obama's presidency. On the one hand, cooperation on reduction
    of mass destruction and fights against terrorism is more possible. On
    the other hand, the dissidence on South Osetia, Abhazia, Kosovo,
    Iran, Iraq and the conflict on former Soviet Union republics will
    probably continue since national interests are hardly to cross over
    those issues.

    The Triangle of Russia-US and the EU

    One of the other issues needs to be considered during Obama's
    presidency is whether the US will change the perception within
    the relations with the Central and Eastern European countries in
    terms of NATO's enlargement. The clash of interests over Ukraine is
    obvious. Russia's policy on Ukraine is being shaped by the factor
    that mentioned country's possible membership to NATO. In other words
    Ukraine's possible membership is the main determinant of Russia-Ukraine
    relations. Ukraine as a member of NATO would not only be a lost region,
    but also Russia will feel itself more surrounded by NATO.

    Currently, it has been claimed that Obama led US will get closer
    with the European Union. So that, Russia will stay behind. Evaluating
    possible transatlantic cooperation brings the necessity to think about
    Russia. Since the EU is not able to be a unified institution against
    Russia, the mentioned cooperation could be premature. Furthermore,
    especially Germany and France are more likely to support Russia
    and to represent Russia's interests within the EU. This was obvious
    especially during the Georgian war in August 2008. From this stand
    point, it is not likely for such a transatlantic ally that will be
    constructed by the US and the EU to take steps without considering
    Russia's interests. On the other hand possible unwillingness of EU's
    to take part in anti-Russian pact could be explained with the EU
    dependence on the Russian gas.

    Recent Developments over Clash in Caucasus

    After the collapse of the Soviet Union, newly established Russian
    Federation faced with the power loss in Caucasus as was the case for
    the other regions. Mentioned loss of power was to be substituted
    by the US in the region. Indeed, US was relatively successful to
    do so. However, the exchange of hegemonic power in favour of US
    in Caucasus started to harass comparatively more powerful Russia
    that benefited most from the 20th century dominant characteristic;
    increasing energy prices. On of the most obvious picture of clash of
    interests in Caucasus has been Georgian war in August.

    Developments following war are also worthy mentioning. Azerbaijani
    and Armenian leaders have met 14 later years in Moscow and signed a
    proposal aiming the solution of the Karabagh issue. Russia's position
    as a 'mediator' can be evaluated as attempts to show that Russia is
    also within the peaceful activities in the region. However, Medvedev
    did not hesitate to emphasize during his first nation address that
    'Russia will not step back in Caucasus'.[2]

    If Obama's foreign policy focuses on Iraq, Afghanistan and Iran this
    would inevitably bring the change of power in favour of Russia in the
    Caucasus. Furthermore considering recent peaceful developments, the
    success depends on Turkey and Russia's share of leadership and also
    collectivisation of national interests as well as the initiatives in
    the framework of stability of the regions countries.

    As a consequence, it is necessarily important to read the reason of
    Medvedev's points that he stated during his first nation-address. The
    reason why Medvedev mentioned to deploy missile defence system
    in Kaliningrad to neutralize US missile defence system project in
    Eastern Europe is mainly to give a signal to Obama that US should
    not act without considering Russia's interests. On the other hand as
    mentioned above, considering that Democrats think that missile defence
    system is costly and technologically unproven, recent developments
    may occur in terms of US' plan in Eastern Europe.

    Since being in anti-Russian attempts and conflict with Russia should
    not serve to the US interests, Obama term US foreign policy towards
    Russia could be more moderate. It is important to bear in mind that
    US can not feel in safe and save its national interests if cooperation
    with Russia could not be achieved. Increasing crises and proliferation
    provide not a secure but an unsecured international arena. This
    may make it possible to bring this actor together and found common
    grounds. On the other hand, pursuing more peaceful policies and
    focusing on cooperation will reduce the need for proliferation and
    increasing tension in global terms.
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