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Interview With David Phillips On 'Mapping Issues Between Turks And I

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  • Interview With David Phillips On 'Mapping Issues Between Turks And I

    INTERVIEW WITH DAVID PHILLIPS ON 'MAPPING ISSUES BETWEEN TURKS AND IRAQI KURDS'
    By Azad Aslan and Rebwar Karim Wali

    Kurdish Globe
    http://www.kurdishglobe.net/displayArticle.j sp?id=9598D926C39719F1E6EAD447B37B42B9
    June 1 2009

    The Kurdish Globe in association with Hewler (daily Kurdish newspaper
    published in Erbil) took the opportunity to interview David L. Phillips
    in Kurdistan.

    David Phillips is a senior Fellow at the Atlantic Council of the United
    States and Director of the Project on Confidence-Building between Turks
    and Iraqi Kurds. Phillips is currently an Associate Professor at New
    York University's Graduate School of Politics and Visiting Scholar at
    the Centre for Study of Human Rights at Columbia University. He has
    worked as a senior adviser to the United Nations Secretariat and as
    a foreign affairs expert and senior adviser to the US Department of
    State, where he participated in the 'Future of Iraq Project.' He has
    held positions as a Visiting Scholar at Harvard University's Center
    for Middle East Studies, Executive Director of Columbia University's
    International Conflict Resolution Program, and the Director of the
    Program on Conflict Prevention and Peacebuilding at the American
    University. He has also been a Senior Fellow and Deputy Director
    of the Council on Foreign Relations' Center for Preventive Action,
    President of the Congressional Human Rights Foundation, and Executive
    Director of the Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity. David Phillips
    is author of From Bullets to Ballots: Violent Muslim Movements in
    Transition (Transaction Press, 2008), Losing Iraq: Inside and Postwar
    Reconstruction Fiasco (Perseus Books, 2005), Unsilencing the Past:
    Track Two Diplomacy and Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation (Berghahn
    Books, 2005). He has also authored many policy reports, as well as more
    than 100 articles in leading publications such as the New York Times,
    Wall Street Journal, Financial Times, International Herald Tribune,
    and Foreign Affairs.

    We started by asking David Phillips on his interest in Kurdistan:
    'My interest has always been about Iraq and about Iraqi Kurds in
    particular.' Phillips has been traveling to Kurdistan of Iraq since
    1992. First time he had a trip to Kurdistan was in February 1992 to
    participate in Patriotic Union of Kurdistan's conference. Later in
    August 1993 he participated in Kurdistan Democratic Party's conference.

    Globe and Hawler asked David to comment on his report that deals with
    Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) relations with Turkey. 'We are
    now at a very critical juncture (in Iraq). The election of President
    Barack Obama and his plan to responsibly redeploy US forces from Iraq
    means that American's presence here will be reduced and finalized. It
    is important that we focus leaving Iraq in a condition that is stable
    and it is in peace with itself and peace with its neighbors. My view
    is that the risks for Iraq are largely in the northern part of the
    country. If it is going to be a spasm of violence that upsets President
    Obama's redeployment plan it will likely occur between Baghdad and
    KRG around the issues like Kirkuk and disputed territories. Because
    of the proximity and interests of frontline states Turkey and Iran
    may involve in potential conflicts. So the US government needs to
    carefully manage the situation here so that the chances for peace
    and prosperity are maximized.

    'To me that means focusing on relation between Erbil and Ankara. The
    most strategically important relationship for the KRG is Turkey. And
    I am very encouraged that over the past year or so there has been a
    positive trend established in KRG -Turkey relations. Ankara clearly
    made a decision, a strategic decision, to cooperate with the KRG and
    to stop vilifying President Barzani. And as a result of that there has
    been a very carefully laid dialogue at the official level to talk about
    the issues that concern Turkey and KRG. So this is good news. Those
    talks have to result in outcomes where there is mutual benefit for both
    people. In order to consolidate the progress, (apart from official
    contacts), there are also needs to be a greater interaction between
    Iraqi Kurds and Turks in area of mutual interest and benefit.

    'This brings me to discussion about our report to present President
    Barzani, Prime Minister, Nechirvan Barzani, and other KRG officials
    and also to go Turkey to present the report there to intellectuals
    and journalists in that country. On April 13-15, 2009, the Atlantic
    Council of the United States (ACUS) convened a group of Turks, Iraqi
    Kurds and other Iraqis in Washington, D.C. The purpose of the meeting
    was to map issues affecting relations between Turks and Iraqi Kurds
    and consider collaboration. American and European experts also joined
    the discussion. '

    For David Phillips the Atlantic Council of the United States report
    'Mapping Issues Between Turks and Iraqi Kurds' provides recommendations
    to serve as the basis for discussion between Turks and Iraqi
    Kurds. Future meetings are anticipated in Istanbul and Erbil. The
    report selected a number of strategic areas to address in order to
    enhance relations between Turkey and KRG. These areas include trade and
    investment between Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan; cooperation on energy
    and its transport; disputed territories and resolving the status of
    Kirkuk and its peaceful solution; minority rights in Kurdistan; and
    the PKK presence in Kurdistan Region and diminishing public support
    for the PKK in Turkey. Phillips said the 'report describes each of
    these issues and make some recommendations. Those recommendations
    are the views of myself and they are drawn on the discussion held
    with others but it does not represent the views of participants.'

    U.S. Turkey and Iraqi Kurds

    For Phillips 'Iraqi Kurdistan is potentially volatile and a threat to
    regional stability. The status of Kirkuk, the resolution of disputed
    territories, and relations among the KRG, Turkmen, and Arabs are
    all flashpoints for conflict escalation. Turkey's concern about
    the emergence of an independent Iraqi Kurdistan is exacerbated
    by the PKK's presence in KRG-controlled territories. Conflict
    escalation within Iraq or between Iraq and its neighbors, including
    Turkey and Iran, would be a serious setbacks to both regional and
    U.S. interests.' Because of this David argued 'the United States must
    be fully engaged in managing important challenges in the region. The
    State Department's Bureau for Near Eastern Affairs (NEA) could appoint
    an experienced and knowledgeable representative to work full time
    on these issues. Alternatively, a "Special Envoy for Northern Iraqi
    and Regional Issues" would help focus U.S. efforts to integrate the
    interrelated themes of security, democracy, and development. The envoy
    would also help raise the profile of these problems, streamline the
    inter-agency process, and navigate the US Government architecture
    for Iraq and Turkey.'

    Phillips inserts that due to the U.S. strong relations both with
    Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan the U.S. 'does not want to be in a position
    where it has to choose between Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan as allies,'
    but must have its leverage on these two entities to come and find a
    common stand to resolve their outstanding issues. 'Turkey is one of
    America's strongest and most reliable allies. Straddling Europe and
    Asia, it played a critical role containing the Soviet Union during the
    Cold War. As a secular Muslim democracy, Turkey serves as an example
    to other Muslim-majority countries. After 9/11, Turkey was a critical
    staging area for operations in Afghanistan. .. Turkey's cooperation is
    also critical to other U.S. strategic interests: redeploying troops
    from Iraq, constraining Iran's nuclear development, and enhancing
    energy security through the development of sources in the Caspian
    and via transport in the Caucasus. Turkey is part of the G-20, and
    has an important role to play in the global economic recovery.'

    'The United States' argued David, 'also has strong sense of
    solidarity with Iraqi Kurds and the KRG. The U.S. -led "Operation
    Provide Comfort" saved tens of thousands of Kurdish lives after the
    1991 Gulf War. America's security guarantee created conditions for
    self-rule by Iraqi Kurds. Because U.S. armed forces were denied
    access to Iraq through Turkey in 2003, the U.S. worked even more
    closely with the KRG and its Peshmerga to stabilize northern Iraq
    after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. Peshmerga also played an
    important role in liberating northern Iraq in 2003, and served as
    hardened and effective fighters in support of the military surge. Not
    one U.S. citizen, soldier or contractor has been kidnapped, wounded,
    or killed in Iraqi Kurdistan. With regard to political cooperation
    in Baghdad, Iraqi Kurds have consistently supported Iraq's secular
    and democratic tendencies.'

    Promoting Economic Ties between Turkey and KRG

    For Phillips improving economic ties between Turkey and KRG is
    one of the essential preconditions for better relations between
    the two. 'Turkey dominates the market (Iraqi Kurdistan). Goods are
    transported via the Habur Gate at Zakho. Up to 80% of goods sold in
    Iraqi Kurdistan are made in Turkey. Between 2003 and 2007, Turkey
    invested $6.32 billion, primarily in the energy and construction
    sectors. Today there are 1,200 Turkish companies that are active
    in Iraqi Kurdistan, including 300 construction firms that completed
    $2 billion in infrastructure projects. Sharing water resources also
    serves the interests of both Turks and Iraqi Kurds. The KRG plans $100
    billion in construction projects; Turkey will benefit further. As
    the 17th largest economy in the world, Turkey's economic growth is
    fueled by trade ties to the Middle East that use Iraq as a lynchpin
    for transport.'

    Phillips argues that 'some of Turkey's security establishment and
    secular elite oppose trade with Iraqi Kurdistan, claiming that its
    enrichment lays the ground for independence. They propose closing the
    Habur gate and opening a land route through Syria for goods headed
    to Iraq. They also point to the fact that Turkish businessmen report
    delays and payment problems from transactions in Iraqi Kurdistan.'

    The report recommends that 'opening a second border crossing would
    reduce congestion and generate additional customs fees for the
    government of Iraq. The Habur gate at Zakho needs upgrading on both
    sides of the border. Improving surface transport infrastructure,
    including construction of an Urfa-Diyarbakir-Erbil highway, would
    facilitate the transportation of goods. Trade fairs like the one
    in Gaziantep, and the establishment of a free-trade zone near the
    border would facilitate trade generating economic benefits to the
    Southeast.' The report also recommends KRG 'to open trade promotion
    offices in Istanbul, Bursa and Diyarbakir. Likewise, Turkey could
    consider establishing a trade promotion/liaison office in Erbil
    and Suleymania that could evolve into a diplomatic liaison office
    and ultimately a consulate.' More importantly, for David 'economic
    benefits to the Southeast would have the added benefit of moderating
    Kurds in Turkey.'

    Fostering Cooperation on Energy Extraction and Transport

    Energy sector is another crucial area that Turkey and KRG can cooperate
    and this may work effectively to improve relations between Turkey and
    KRG. 'Turkey is a growing consumer of energy products. It produces
    only 48,000 BBD, but requires 800,000BBD. Turkey's Pet Oil signed a
    PSA (Petroleum Sharing Agreement) in 2002 to develop the Shakal bloc
    between Kifri and Kalar in Sulaymania governorate. It later signed a
    PSA to develop the Bina-Bawi bloc just north of Erbil. Genel Enerji
    signed a PSA in 2003 to develop the Tak Tak and Kewa Chirmila blocs
    about 60 kilometers north of Kirkuk. Ankara has prevented the Turkish
    Petroleum Corporation (TPAO) from bidding on oil and gas contracts
    in Iraq. Turkey currently depends on Russian gas transported across
    the Black Sea via the "Blue Stream" pipeline and across Ukraine,
    Moldova, Romania and Bulgaria via another pipeline. Should volumes
    be high enough, new natural gas discoveries east of Sulaymania could
    represent an alternate supply for both Turkey and Europe to Russian
    gas. In addition to the Kirkuk-Yumurtalik Pipeline, a gas pipeline
    will be required as natural gas fields in Iraqi Kurdistan come on
    line. Gas from Iraq is also needed to fill up the Nabucco pipeline
    and make it profitable.'

    The problem with regard to energy transport via Turkey is the lack
    of Hydrocarbons and Revenue Sharing Laws that stalled in 2007. Oil
    transported to Turkey / Ceyhan via Kirkuk-Yumurtalik pipeline requires
    a certificate of origin from government of Iraq. Baghdad refuses
    to issue the required certificate due to the absent of national
    Hydrocarbons Law. 'Turkey strongly supports the adoption of a
    Hydrocarbons Law by the federal government, arguing that it would
    strengthen ties between the KRG and Baghdad. Until then, Turkey
    forbids assistance to the KRG's energy sector and bans oil exports
    from Iraqi Kurdistan via pipelines in Turkey.'

    The report recommends that 'the government of Iraq and KRG should build
    on the recent export agreement to finalize the national Hydrocarbons
    and Revenue Sharing Laws.' The report urges 'Nabucco investors should
    base economic forecasts on the assumption that the government of Iraq
    and KRG will resolve their differences enabling gas supplies to come
    on line by 2011.

    Kirkuk Question

    Kirkuk is a very crucial issue that has potential to disrupt stability
    of Iraq and 'could pit Kurds against Arabs and Turkmen. Failure to
    resolve Kirkuk's status peacefully also risks embroiling Turkey,
    which believes that Kirkuk's accession to Iraqi Kurdistan would be a
    precursor to independence. Actions by Turkey could lead to regional
    conflagration. '

    Phillips acknowledges the Kurdish position with regard to Kirkuk
    as 'Kurds believe that Article 140 was already a compromise, and
    accordingly they refuse further concessions and reject alternative
    arrangements.'

    Phillips recommends the following with regard to the question
    of Kirkuk and disputed territories: Postponing an agreement on
    Kirkuk's status will increase volatility and aggravate the anxiety
    of minority groups. Postponing a determination on Kirkuk will
    also result in delays enacting the Hydrocarbons and Revenue Sharing
    Laws. Resolving the Kirkuk conundrum requires restraint, statesmanship
    and concessions. However gradual steps that are consistent with
    Article 140 are the alternative to violence. UNAMI's scenarios should
    be discussed by Iraqi groups in a structured dialog emphasizing
    collaboration. The process itself is a conflict resolution exercise
    with the prospect of building momentum towards further compromise
    and reconciliation. A Special Envoy on Northern Iraqi and Regional
    Issues could assist the U.S. Ambassador to Iraq in managing Kirkuk
    and demarcation disputes.

    Addressing the PKK presence in Iraqi Kurdistan

    The most crucial issues that stand between proper relations between
    Turkey and KRG are the presence of PKK in Iraqi Kurdistan. Phillips
    argued that Ankara demands cooperation from the KRG in its efforts
    against PKK. Turkey ask KRG to arrest PKK leaders, interdict
    funds for the PKK transported via the Erbil airport, establish
    check points limiting travel and media access, and close pro-PKK
    political parties. As PKK is a deeply emotional issue for Turks,
    Phillips argues unless the KRG takes meaningful steps, it would be
    difficult for rapprochement between Turkey and KRG.

    Phillips argues that 'Iraqi Kurds insist there is no military solution
    to Turkey's Kurdish question. They maintain that funds and recruits
    will continue flowing to the PKK until Turkey recognizes Kurdish
    identity and takes real steps to address the historical and current
    grievances of Turkish Kurds.'

    For Phillips 'ultimate solution (to the PKK question) resides in the
    continued democratization and development, as well as some amnesty
    arrangement for the PKK rank and file. Democratization would be
    advanced by releasing DTP (pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party)
    detainees and implementing legal reforms.' These legal reforms are
    'reforming Article 7 of the constitution (which defines citizenship
    as Turkish), amending or abolishing regressive legislation such as
    the Anti-Terror Act and Articles 215, 216, 217, 220, and 301 of the
    Penal Code, and fully implementing cultural reforms would go a long
    way to enhancing the rule of law and Turkey's overall democratic
    development. Measures are also needed to reform the judiciary,
    which is rigid, unaccountable, and deeply conservative.' David also
    recommends that 'Ankara may reject negotiations with Ocalan (PKK's
    arrested leader), but democratically elected DTP members could be
    effective interlocutors. Erdogan should meet with the DTP MPs and
    explore substantive talks through the DTP.' He further suggests
    that 'improved relations between Turkey and the KRG would act as
    a confidence-building measure to Kurds in Turkey thereby reducing
    tensions in the Southeast. Keeping Turkey on track towards EU
    membership is also essential to continued improvement of Turkey-KRG
    relations.' Phillips argued that the reason why the PKK exists and
    why they have popular support among the Kurds in Turkey is because of
    their feeling of social, cultural, economic and political interests
    have been ill-served by Turkish state. So Turkey has to take specific
    steps in order to further advance the political, cultural rights for
    the Kurds in Turkey. Launching TRT-6 is a very positive steps in a
    fact that PM Erdogan opening the stage and uttering in Kurdish break
    a taboo in Turkey.'

    On its part KRG, suggests Phillips along with government of Iraq
    'should issue a joint statement labeling the PKK an 'illegal foreign
    organization' operating without authorization from Iraqi territory
    and demand that the PKK leave Iraq immediately. It is important to
    show support and empathy for Turkey's concerns.'

    Overall

    The Globe asked Phillips whether the highly complex and historically
    accumulated problems between Turkey and Kurds both the Kurdish question
    in Turkey and the problematic relations between Turkey and KRG can
    be resolved by such recommendations and policy designs. Phillips
    argued that 'if Turkey is further integrated into EU there are certain
    standards that it must obey and these standards will transform Turkey
    to resolve its problems particularly for the southeastern part of the
    country. We leave in an era where natural boundaries are less and less
    important where integration is the hallmark of progress. So integration
    of Turkey into Europe, the integration of Turkey with Iraqi Kurdistan,
    and the integration of Turkey and Iraqi interests are all part of a
    broader strategy to promote regional peace and stability.'

    The Hewler asked in the likelihood of US withdrawal of troops from
    Iraq and further tensions and conflicts between the Kurds and Arabs
    would the US ask Turkey to look after Iraqi Kurdistan? Or perhaps in
    the case of disunity between the Iraqi Kurds and Arabs would there
    be any scenario for Iraqi Kurdistan to join Turkey as a federal
    system? What would the US position be in such scenario?

    'The Obama administration has goals and schedules to join down its
    forces in Iraq. It uses the term 'responsible redeployment'. That
    is not cut and run. That means to leave an Iraq that is stable. The
    US wants very much to redeploy but it is not going to leave Iraq in
    disarray. That being said there is some serious challenges that Iraq
    faces. Continuing threat of al-Qaeda, increasingly authoritarian rule
    from Baghdad, and problems between federal government of Baghdad and
    KRG are all serious issues, and the US needs to use its leverage over
    the next years or so to help the parties resolve this issues.'

    David argued that 'the United States has a pivotal role to play
    promoting integration within Iraq, between Iraq and Turkey, and
    between Iraqi Kurdistan and Turkey. However, ultimate responsibility
    rests with political leaders representing the interests of Turks and
    Iraqis, including Iraqi Kurds. Their vision, courage and willingness
    to compromise will be critical to facing the challenges ahead. In
    addition, civil society can help create conditions for sustainable
    peace and prosperity. Track two activities also encourage proactive
    steps by officials and as a safety net to prevent violence in case
    events take a negative turn.'

    He further inferred that 'ACUS, if requested, will continue to support
    contact, communication and cooperation between Turkish and Iraqi
    Kurdish civil society representatives. As long as a facilitator is
    required, it stands ready to convene the parties and help them overcome
    differences. It will also convey impressions and recommendations to
    concerned governments. The ultimate objective, however, is to create
    a critical mass of integrated activities so that the parties can
    themselves work on solutions based on a shared vision for the future.

    From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
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