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Israel and the occupied territories: Country Reports on Human Rights

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  • Israel and the occupied territories: Country Reports on Human Rights

    U.S. Department of State
    Israel and the occupied territories: Country Reports on Human Rights
    Practices - 2004
    Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
    February 28, 2005

    (The Report on the occupied territories is appended at the end of this
    Report.)
    Israel is a multiparty parliamentary democracy. "Basic laws" enumerate
    fundamental rights. The 120-member Knesset has the power to dissolve the
    Government and mandate elections. The current Knesset and Prime Minister
    Ariel Sharon were elected democratically in 2003. (An annex to this report
    covers human rights in the occupied territories. This report deals only with
    the situation in Israel itself.) The judiciary is independent and often
    ruled against the Executive, even in security cases.
    During the year, a total of 76 Israeli civilians and four foreigners were
    killed as a result of Palestinian terrorist attacks in Israel and the
    occupied territories, and 41 members of the Israeli Defense Forces were
    killed in clashes with Palestinian militants. During the same period, more
    than 800 Palestinians were killed during Israeli military operations in the
    occupied territories.
    Internal security is the responsibility of the Israel Security Agency (ISA
    or Shin Bet), which is under the authority of the Prime Minister. The
    National Police, which includes the Border Police and the Immigration
    Police, are under the Minister of Internal Security and the Minister of
    Interior respectively. The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) are under the
    authority of a civilian Minister of Defense. The IDF includes a significant
    portion of the adult population on active duty or reserve status. The
    Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee in the Knesset oversees the IDF and
    the ISA. Security forces were under effective government control. Some
    members of the security forces committed serious abuses.
    The country's population is approximately 6.8 million, including 5.2 million
    Jews, 1.3 million Arabs, and some 290,000 other minorities. It has an
    advanced industrial, market economy with a relatively high standard of
    living. Twenty one percent of the population lived below the poverty line in
    2003. Unemployment was approximately 11 percent, and was higher among the
    Arab population. Foreign workers, both legal and illegal, constituted about
    7 percent of the labor force.
    The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens;
    however, there were problems in some areas. Some members of the security
    forces abused Palestinian detainees. Conditions in some detention and
    interrogation facilities remained poor. During the year, the Government
    detained on security grounds but without charge thousands of persons in
    Israel. (Most were from the occupied territories and their situation is
    covered in the annex.) The Government did little to reduce institutional,
    legal, and societal discrimination against the country's Arab citizens. The
    Government did not recognize marriages performed by non-Orthodox rabbis,
    compelling many citizens to travel abroad to marry. The Government
    interfered with individual privacy in some instances.
    Discrimination and societal violence against women persisted, although the
    Government continued to address these problems. Trafficking in and abuse of
    women and foreign workers continued to be problems. Discrimination against
    persons with disabilities persisted.
    RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
    Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
    a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
    There were no reports of politically motivated killings by the Government or
    its agents during the year.
    Twelve Israeli-Arab and one Palestinian protestors were killed by police
    during October 2000 demonstrations (see Section 2. b.). The Orr Commission
    of Inquiry (COI) was established to investigate those killings. It
    recommended a number of measures, including criminal prosecutions. The
    Cabinet adopted those recommendations in June. At year's end, the Justice
    Ministry had not completed its investigations. In October, the Justice
    Minister appointed Assistant Commander Benzi Sau, one of the officers being
    investigated, to the position of Border Police staff commander. The Legal
    Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel (Adalah), an Israeli-Arab advocacy
    group, charged that this was a promotion. The Orr Commission specifically
    recommended that Sau not be promoted due to his involvement in the killings.
    During the year, terrorist organizations such as the Islamic Resistance
    Movement (Hamas), Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades, Hizballah, Islamic Jihad, and
    the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PLFP), committed numerous
    acts of terrorism in Israel as well as in the occupied territories.
    According to the Government, there was a 45 percent reduction in the number
    of Israelis killed in such attacks during the year due to the construction
    of a security barrier (see annex) and effective terrorist interdiction.
    Seventy-six Israeli civilians and 4 foreign nationals were killed, and over
    394 were injured in terrorist attacks during the year. Forty-one Israeli
    security forces were killed and 195 injured. There were 13 suicide attacks
    during the year that resulted in 53 Israeli and 2 Palestinian deaths. In
    addition, eight suicide bombers killed only themselves. In contrast, 26
    suicide attacks in 2003 caused 144 deaths.
    In July 2003, the Border Police killed Morassi Jibali, an Israeli-Arab.
    Police claimed the car in which he was a passenger had failed to stop upon
    order, and that he had been mistaken for a terrorist. The driver claimed
    that he had tried to avoid the roadblock because he was driving without a
    license. According to Mossawa Advocacy Center for Arab Citizens of Israel
    (Mossawa), witnesses reported that the police did not warn the driver before
    firing and that police later prohibited medical personnel from treating
    Jibali. At year's end, the Ministry of Justice division for investigating
    police officers continued to investigate the incident.
    In July 2003, police killed unarmed Bedouin, Nasser Abu al Qia'an, in his
    car at a junction. Police claimed he had tried to run them over but at least
    one witness disputed the police account, reporting that spikes in the road
    prevented any movement of the car. In September, the Ministry of Justice
    filed an indictment against the police officer, who was subsequently tried
    and found not guilty on the grounds of self-defense.
    In September 2003, residents of an Arab community, Kafr Qassem, clashed with
    police searching for illegal immigrants. The police wounded one Israeli Arab
    when, according to police reports, village residents began to throw stones.
    According to Mossawa, at year's end, the police had either not investigated
    or had closed all cases against the police involved.
    On January 29, a suicide bomber blew up a Jerusalem bus killing 11 Israelis
    and injuring 50. Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades and Hamas claimed responsibility.
    On August 31, twin suicide bombs exploded on buses in Be'er Sheva, killing
    16 persons and injuring over 100. Hamas claimed responsibility.
    On November 1, a suicide bombing in Tel Aviv killed 3 Israelis and wounded
    30. The PFLP claimed responsibility. According to official Israeli data, the
    number of rocket and mortar attacks against Israeli targets increased over
    the year. Palestinian terrorists routinely fired rockets into Sderot, a town
    that borders the Gaza Strip. Qassam rocket attacks on June 28, and again on
    September 29, killed four residents of Sderot.
    b. Disappearance
    There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances during the
    year.
    c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
    Laws, judicial decisions, and administrative regulations prohibit torture
    and abuse; however, during the year, credible NGOs filed numerous complaints
    with the Government alleging that security forces tortured and abused
    Palestinian detainees. (The law regarding torture and allegations of torture
    of Palestinians by Israeli security officials is discussed in the annex to
    this report.)
    The Public Committee Against Torture in Israel (PCATI) stated that no ISA
    officials had been tried on torture charges during the past 3 years.
    In June, the Physicians for Human Rights in Israel (PHR) petitioned the
    Supreme Court to end what it termed the Israel Prison System's (IPS)
    "systematic abuse of prisoners" in the Sharon Prison. In July, the court
    decided to close the case after prisoner complaints ended with the
    appointment of a new prison warden. At year's end, PHR continued to
    investigate the complaints and had received relevant files from the police.
    A special bureau in the Ministry of Justice reviews complaints against
    police officers and may impose disciplinary charges or issue indictments
    against officers. During the year, several judges criticized this bureau for
    launching faulty investigations against police officers who were later
    acquitted.
    In January, two police officers were convicted of raping a foreign worker
    after they confiscated her work permit; each received a 2-year prison
    sentence.
    In May, an official secretly recorded a senior immigration police officer
    stating that immigration police used excessive force when detaining foreign
    workers. The senior officer confirmed his statement to the media, but its
    accuracy was disputed by the Immigration Police spokesperson. At year's end,
    a Knesset Committee on Foreign Workers continued to investigate this matter.
    The law provides detainees the right to live in conditions that do not harm
    their health or dignity. Conditions in IPS facilities, which house common
    law criminals and convicted security prisoners, and in IDF military
    incarceration camps, which hold convicted security prisoners, generally met
    international standards. The ICRC has access to these facilities. However,
    police detention and interrogation facilities for Palestinian were
    overcrowded and had austere, provisional conditions. In June 2003, the
    Supreme Court issued a permanent injunction prohibiting prisoners from being
    forced to sleep on the floor and mandated that every prisoner be provided a
    bed. Subsequently, the Minister of Internal Security stated that all persons
    held in the IPS would receive a bed, daily outdoor exercise, telephone and
    visitation rights, and less crowded facilities. In May, however, the IPS
    deputy warden told a Knesset committee that approximately 500 prisoners in
    the IPS, both security and criminal, slept nightly on prison floors because
    of a lack of beds.
    Conditions at the Russian Compound interrogation center in Jerusalem
    remained harsh. According to a PHR report released in November 2003,
    prisoners in the Russian Compound holding cells were routinely handcuffed
    with their hands behind their backs to their feet, sometimes for hours. The
    PHR report also stated that medical examinations given to arriving prisoners
    were used to determine if the prisoner could withstand "the application of
    violent approaches to those jailed." A reputable international organization
    with access to this facility also reported during the year that it is
    investigating the use of Israeli doctors in this capacity.
    Women and children in prison were held separately from the adult male
    population. Citizens 18 years and older and Palestinians 16 and older were
    treated as adults. The ICRC reported that, as of the end of December, the
    Government held 498 minor Palestinians, with the youngest being 13 years
    old. Defense for Children International and Save the Children charged that
    minors were being "physically and mentally abused," denied access to their
    families and legal representation during interrogation, and held in
    overcrowded and unsanitary conditions.
    The ICRC regularly monitored IPS facilities, as well as IDF camps and
    detention facilities. Pursuant to a 1979 ICRC-Israel agreement, the ICRC
    does not have access to interrogation facilities but can meet with detainees
    under interrogation in designated areas of those facilities. NGOs generally
    were not permitted to monitor any incarceration facilities, including within
    the IPS, but could send lawyers and representatives to meet with prisoners
    in those facilities. According to PHR, the Israeli Bar Association and
    public defenders were permitted to inspect IPS facilities.
    In December, in response to a petition to compel the Government to release
    information on a secret IDF detention facility, the Supreme Court ruled that
    the Government should not use secret interrogation facilities. The court
    gave the Government 60 days to respond to its undisclosed suggestions
    related to the secret facility.
    d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention
    The law prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention, and the Government
    generally observed these prohibitions. (Palestinian security detainees fell
    under the jurisdiction of military law even if they were detained in Israel
    (see annex). When arrested, the accused is considered innocent until proven
    guilty, has the right to habeas corpus, to remain silent, to be represented
    by an attorney, to contact his family without delay, and to a fair trial. A
    bail system exists and decisions denying bail are subject to appeal. A
    citizen may be held without charge for 24 hours before he must be brought
    before a judge (48 hours for administrative detainees). If the detainee is
    suspected of committing a "security offense," the police and the courts can
    delay notification of counsel for up to 31 days. The Government may withhold
    evidence from defense lawyers on security grounds. In March, the Public
    Defender's Office charged that the police sometimes failed to apprise
    detainees of their rights under law and did not always provide detainees
    with legal counsel when required. The Public Defender's Office estimated
    that, as a result, approximately 500 persons were deprived of their rights
    to due process.
    Foreign nationals detained for suspected violations of immigration law are
    afforded an immigration hearing within 4 days of detention, but do not have
    the right to legal representation. According to the local advocacy
    organization Hotline for Migrant Workers, appropriate interpreters were not
    always present at the hearings. Hotline received complaints from Israeli
    attorneys of being denied access to their foreign clients. According to
    Hotline, foreign detainees were rarely released pending judicial
    determination of their status. If the country of origin of the detainee had
    no representation in the country, detention could last for months, pending
    receipt of travel documents. During the year, there were credible
    allegations that the police knowingly detained and deported legal foreign
    workers to meet deportation quotas.
    Pursuant to the 1979 Emergency Powers Law, the Ministry of Defense may order
    persons detained without charge or trial for up to 6 months in
    administrative detention, renewable indefinitely subject to district court
    review. Such detainees have the right to legal representation, but the court
    may rely on confidential information to which the defendant and his or her
    lawyer are not privy. Administrative detainees have the right to appeal
    their cases to the Supreme Court.
    In September, Minister of Defense Shaul Mofaz ordered the 4-month
    administrative detention of Israeli citizen Tali Fahima based on
    confidential evidence that she was involved in terrorist activity. Fahima's
    appeal to the Supreme Court was denied in November. In December, she was
    released due to insufficient evidence, but was rearrested shortly thereafter
    when police presented additional evidence. Fahima remained in administrative
    detainee until later in December, when the Tel Aviv Magistrate's Court
    indicted her on criminal charges, which included assisting the enemy during
    wartime and passing information to the enemy. At year's end, she was
    detained pending trial.
    In the past, human rights groups have alleged abuse of preventative or
    administrative detention orders in cases in which the accused did not pose a
    clear danger to society.
    In 2000, the High Court ruled that detaining Lebanese captives indefinitely
    as "bargaining chips" violated the administrative detention law. In 2002,
    the Knesset passed the Illegal Combatant Law allowing the IDF to detain
    persons who are suspected of "taking part in hostile activity against
    Israel, directly or indirectly" or who "belong to a force engaged in hostile
    activity against the State of Israel."
    In January, the GOI released Mustafa Dirani, head of the security for the
    Amal militia; Sheikh Obeid, a Lebanese cleric; and some 25 other Lebanese
    prisoners held as enemy combatants in return for the release of Elchanan
    Tanenbaum, a kidnapped Israeli held by the Hizballah terrorist group in
    Lebanon, and the remains of three IDF soldiers kidnapped to Lebanon in 2000.
    The Government also released 400 Palestinian prisoners and another 9 foreign
    prisoners in addition to the Lebanese. In October 2003, the Tel Aviv
    District Court disclosed that a Lebanese citizen, imprisoned in the country
    for 5 years but eligible for release, had been detained under administrative
    detention for the past year because the IDF decreed him an illegal
    combatant. He was released and repatriated in December.
    According to a reputable international organization, at year's end one
    Lebanese national remained in Israeli detention.
    e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
    The law provides for an independent judiciary, and the Government generally
    respected this provision in practice.
    The Judicial Branch is organized into three levels: Magistrate Courts; six
    District Courts; and the Supreme or High Court. District Courts prosecute
    felonies, and Magistrate Courts prosecute misdemeanors. There are military,
    religious, labor relations, and administrative courts, with the High Court
    of Justice as the ultimate judicial authority. The High Court is both a
    court of first instance and an appellate court (when it sits as the Supreme
    Court). All courts in the judicial system, including the High Court of
    Justice, thus have appellate courts of jurisdiction. Religious courts,
    representing the main recognized religious groups, have jurisdiction over
    matters of personal status for their adherents (see Section 2.c.).
    The law provides for the right to a fair trial, and an independent judiciary
    generally enforced this right. The country's criminal justice system is
    adversarial, and professional judges rather than juries decide cases.
    Nonsecurity trials are public except in cases in which the interests of the
    parties are determined to be best served by privacy. Security or military
    trials are open to independent observers upon request and at the discretion
    of the court, but they are not open to the general public. The law provides
    for the right to a hearing with legal representation, and authorities
    generally observed this right in practice. In cases of serious
    felonies--subject to penalties of 10 years or more--indigent defendants
    receive mandatory legal representation. Indigent defendants facing lesser
    sentences are provided with representation on a discretionary basis. Counsel
    represented approximately 70 percent of defendants.
    The 1970 regulations governing military trials are the same as evidentiary
    rules in criminal cases. Convictions may not be based solely on confessions;
    however, according to PCATI, in practice, some security prisoners have been
    sentenced on the basis of the coerced confessions made by both themselves
    and others. Counsel may assist the accused, and a judge may assign counsel
    to those defendants when the judge deems it necessary. Indigent detainees
    are not provided with free legal representation for military trials. Charges
    are made available to the defendant and the public in Hebrew, and the court
    can order that they be translated into Arabic if necessary. Sentencing
    procedures in military courts were consistent with those in criminal courts.
    Defendants in military trials have the right to appeal through the Military
    High Court. Defendants in military trials also can petition the civilian
    High Court of Justice (sitting as a court of first instance) in cases in
    which they believe there are procedural or evidentiary irregularities.
    According to a 2003 Haifa University study, a tendency existed to impose
    heavier prison terms to Arab citizens than to Jewish citizens. Human rights
    advocates claimed that Arab citizens were more likely to be convicted of
    murder and to have been denied bail.
    In May, three Israeli Arabs were released after having been detained for 10
    months in prison when the police arrested new suspects for the July 2003
    murder of IDF corporal Oleg Shaigat. One of those released publicly stated
    that his confession was coerced. According to the Government, it will
    conduct an official examination of this case.
    Human rights NGOs charged that the former mayor of the Arab city of Umm
    al-Fahm, Sheikh Raed Salah, who was arrested in May 2003 for allegedly
    funneling money to terrorist organizations, has been unfairly denied bail
    despite his status and community ties. At year's end, his case was still
    pending.
    There were no reports of political prisoners.
    f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence
    The law generally protected privacy of the individual and the home. In
    criminal cases, the law permits wiretapping under court order; in security
    cases, the Ministry of Defense must issue the order. Under emergency
    regulations, authorities may open and destroy mail based on security
    considerations.
    In May, the High Court banned the unsupervised electronic flow to public
    bodies and banks of data on private citizens maintained by the Government's
    Population Registry.
    Separate religious court systems adjudicate personal status matters such as
    marriage and divorce for the Jewish, Muslim, Christian, and Druze
    communities. Jews can only marry in Orthodox Jewish services. Jews and
    members of other religious communities who wish to have a civil marriage,
    Jews who wish to marry according to Reform or Conservative Judaism, those
    not recognized as being Jewish, and those marrying someone from another
    faith, must marry abroad in order to gain government recognition of their
    unions. While civil marriages are available in nearby Cyprus and are
    recognized by the Government, this requirement presents a hardship. In July,
    the Knesset extended for 6 months the 2003 law that prohibits citizens'
    Palestinian spouses from the occupied territories from residing in the
    country (see Section 5).
    Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
    a. Freedom of Speech and Press
    The law provides for freedom of speech and of the press, and the Government
    generally respected these rights in practice. The law prohibits hate speech
    and incitement to violence, and the 1948 Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance
    makes it illegal for persons to express support for illegal or terrorist
    organizations. In previous years, the Government has prosecuted persons for
    allegedly speaking or writing on behalf of terrorist groups; however, there
    were no such incidents during the year.
    On May 25, the ISA detained for 2 days British journalist Peter Hounam
    following his meeting with nuclear whistleblower Mordechai Vanunu, who was
    released in April after serving 18 years in prison (see Section 2.d.). The
    terms of Vanunu's release prohibited him from meeting with the foreign press
    unless approved by the Government. On November 11, police re-arrested Vanunu
    for meeting foreign media in violation of the terms of his release and
    confiscated his computer. Vanunu acknowledged the violation, and was
    released after 12 hours. Vanunu's computer had not been returned by year's
    end.
    In June, Arab Knesset Members Ahmed Tibi and Taleb el-Sana were censured by
    the Knesset Ethics Committee for harshly criticizing IDF operations in Gaza.
    The Committee banned Tibi and el-Sana from attending Knesset sessions for 1
    and 2 days, respectively.
    In September, the Supreme Court upheld its original ruling overturning the
    Film Council's ban on the screening of the film, "Jenin, Jenin," which
    depicts fighting in the West Bank refugee camp in Jenin during April 2002.
    In its decision, the Supreme Court reasoned that a ban on the film was an
    undue infringement on freedom of expression.
    Arab Knesset Member Azmi Bishara was indicted (after the Knesset lifted his
    immunity) for making statements allegedly supportive of Hizballah during
    2000 visits to Syria (a country still in a state of war with Israel) and to
    the Israeli-Arab city of Umm al-Fahm. In November, the Supreme Court held a
    hearing on a petition filed by Adalah to dismiss the charges. At year's end,
    the case was still pending.
    As a general rule, Israeli media covered the occupied territories, except
    for combat zones where access was restricted. In general, journalists
    continued to claim that the Government placed limitations on their freedom
    of movement within the occupied territories. The Government claimed such
    restrictions were necessary for the security of the journalists.
    There were several allegations from foreign media that the IDF fired upon
    journalists (see annex).
    In August, the Supreme Court ruled that the Government Press Office could
    not apply a blanket refusal to issue press credentials to facilitate access
    to official events to Palestinians from the occupied territories. The Court
    reasoned that such a blanket policy did not properly balance freedom of the
    press and national security.
    All newspapers are privately owned and managed. According to the Journalism
    Ordinance dating from the British Mandate, anyone wishing to publish a
    newspaper must apply for a license from the locality. The ordinance also
    allows the Minister of Interior, under certain conditions, to close a
    newspaper. In November, the High Court heard a petition filed by the
    Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) challenging the ordinance; at
    year's end, the court had not reached a decision.
    The country has 12 daily newspapers, 90 weekly newspapers, more than 250
    periodical publications, and a number of Internet news sites.
    The quasi-independent Israel Broadcast Authority controls television Channel
    1 and Kol Israel (Voice of Israel) radio, both major sources of news and
    information. The Second Television and Radio Authority, a public body,
    supervises the two privately owned commercial television channels and 14
    privately owned radio stations. There are three cable and one satellite
    television companies that carry international networks and shows
    specifically produced for the domestic audience.
    The law authorizes the Government to censor any material reported from the
    country or the occupied territories that it regards as sensitive on national
    security grounds. A censorship agreement between the Government and media
    representatives provides for military censorship only in cases involving
    issues that are nearly certain to harm the country's defense interests.
    Media organizations may appeal the censor's decision to the High Court of
    Justice, and they are not subject to closure by the military censor for
    censorship violations. The military censor cannot appeal a court judgment.
    Foreign journalists were required to sign an agreement upon receiving their
    press cards in which they agreed to submit sensitive articles and
    photographs to the military censor. In practice, they rarely complied;
    however, the censor reviewed such material after the fact. News printed or
    broadcast abroad may be reported without censorship. During the year, there
    were instances of newspapers being fined for violating censorship
    regulations.
    The Government generally respected academic freedom; however, ISA approval
    was needed for appointments of teachers and administrators in Arab schools.
    In August, members of a Knesset committee reviewing the status of the Arab
    education system criticized this practice.
    b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
    The law provides for freedom of assembly and association, and the Government
    generally respected these rights in practice. ACRI reported that the police
    confiscated posters from both right and left wing demonstrations during the
    year, including posters referring to Prime Minister Sharon as a "dictator."
    The law provides for the right of association, and the Government generally
    respected this provision in practice.
    c. Freedom of Religion
    The law provides for freedom of religion, and the Government generally
    respected this right. The Basic Law and Declaration of Independence
    recognize the country as a "Jewish and democratic state," establishing
    Judaism as the country's dominant religion. Civil rights NGOs have
    accurately charged the Government with the discriminatory allocation of
    state resources favoring Orthodox Jewish institutions.
    Religious communities are conferred recognition under the law, enabling them
    to exercise legal authority over their members in personal status matters,
    such as marriage and divorce. These communities included the Eastern
    Orthodox Church, several Catholic orders, Maronites, and Jews. Three
    additional communities have been recognized--the Druze, the Evangelical
    Episcopal Church, and the Baha'i. Several religious communities are not
    recognized, including Protestant groups. Unrecognized communities may
    practice their religion freely and maintain communal institutions, but are
    ineligible to receive government funding for religious services.
    The fact that there was no recognized Muslim community is a vestige of the
    Ottoman period, during which time Islam was the dominant religion, and did
    not affect the rights of Muslims to practice their faith. Legislation
    enacted in 1961 afforded the Muslim courts exclusive jurisdiction to rule in
    matters of personal status concerning Muslims. Secular courts have primacy
    over questions of inheritance, but parties, by mutual agreement, may bring
    cases to religious courts. Muslims, since 2001, also have the right to bring
    matters such as alimony and property division associated with divorce cases
    to civil courts in family-status matters.
    Under the Law of Return, the Government grants citizenship and residence
    rights to Jewish immigrants and their immediate family members. In May, the
    High Court held that non-Jews who immigrate to the country and then convert
    according to Orthodox requirements are eligible to become citizens pursuant
    to the Law of Return. The court let stand the State's practice of not
    recognizing conversions to Judaism performed in the country by non-Orthodox
    rabbis.
    In December, ACRI released a report charging that the Ministry of Interior's
    Population Authority sought to prevent non-Jews--particularly spouses of
    Israeli citizens--from obtaining residential status.
    Many citizens objected to exclusive Orthodox control over religious aspects
    of their personal lives. Approximately 300,000 citizens who immigrated under
    the Law of Return are not considered Jewish by the Orthodox Rabbinate. These
    immigrants cannot be married, divorced, or buried within the country. A 1996
    law requiring the Government to establish civil cemeteries has not been
    implemented adequately. Non-Jews and Jews who wish to marry in Reform,
    Conservative, or secular ceremonies must do so abroad.
    Non-Orthodox Jews faced greater difficulties than Orthodox Jews in adopting
    children. In December, on petition of the Israeli Religious Action Center
    (IRAC), the High Court of Justice ordered the Government to justify the
    Adoption Service of the Ministry of Social Affairs' practice of placing
    non-Jewish children only in Orthodox Jewish homes.
    According to IRAC, the budget for Jewish religious services, institutions,
    and schools for the year was approximately $450 million (1.9 billion New
    Israeli shekels (NIS)), and virtually none of this went to non-Orthodox
    institutions. Also according to IRAC, the budget for the non-Jewish
    population was approximately $9 million (40 million NIS)--2 percent of the
    budget for 18 percent of the population.
    Muslim groups complained that the Government does not equitably fund the
    construction and upkeep of Muslim holy sites in comparison to Jewish
    Orthodox sites. It charged that the Government was reluctant to refurbish
    mosques in areas where there is no longer a Muslim population and has
    allowed mosques to be used for nonreligious purposes. The 1967 Protection of
    Holy Sites Law protects all holy sites, but the Government has only issued
    implementing regulations for Jewish sites. In November, Adalah petitioned
    the Supreme Court to compel the Government to issue regulations to protect
    Muslim sites, charging the Government's failure to implement regulations had
    resulted in desecration and the conversion of some into commercial
    establishments, including bars.
    Since 2000, the Government no longer requires Israeli Muslims to obtain
    permission from the Interior Ministry to travel to Saudi Arabia on the Hajj.
    During 2003, the Government refused to grant residence visas to
    approximately 130 Catholic clergy assigned by the Vatican to the country and
    the occupied territories. According to representatives of Christian
    institutions, the process of visa issuance for religious workers
    significantly improved during the year. The Interior Ministry's Christian
    Department reported it had approved most of the 3,000 applications made by
    clergy during the year.
    During the year, there were reports that airport immigration deported
    non-Jews with mutilated passports, whereas Jews with damaged travel
    documents were allowed entry.
    Missionaries were allowed to proselytize, although the Church of Jesus
    Christ of Latter-day Saints voluntarily refrained from doing so under an
    agreement with the Government. There were incidents of societal religious
    intolerance. In October, a yeshiva student spat at the Armenian archbishop
    of Jerusalem. The student was arrested and ordered to remain away from the
    Old City for 75 days. He also made a formal apology. There were incidents
    where ultra-Orthodox Jews threw rocks at motorists to protest their driving
    on the Sabbath.
    In January, the Government recognized the duly elected Greek Orthodox
    Patriarch, Eirinaios I; however, a legal challenge delayed implementation
    until March. Eirinaios I was elected in 2001, but had been unable to
    conclude financial or legal arrangements on behalf of the Patriarchate.
    However, he had been free to travel to the West Bank and Syria, where he is
    also the ecclesiastical authority.
    For a more detailed discussion, see the 2004 International Religious Freedom
    Report.
    d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and
    Repatriation
    The law provides for these rights and the Government generally respected
    them in practice for citizens. (Restrictions on movement within the occupied
    territories, between the territories and Israel, and the construction of a
    security barrier are discussed in the annex.)
    Citizens generally were free to travel abroad and to emigrate, provided they
    had no outstanding military obligations and were not restricted by
    administrative order. Pursuant to the 1945 State of Emergency Regulations,
    the Government may bar citizens from leaving the country based on security
    considerations. In April, the Government released Mordechai Vanunu after he
    served 18 years in prison for revealing details of the country's nuclear
    program to a British newspaper, the Sunday Times. Upon release, the
    Government prohibited Vanunu from going within 500 meters of airports and
    overland border crossings, and from entering any foreign diplomatic offices.
    Citing security concerns, the Minister of Interior barred Vanunu from
    leaving the country for 12 months. On December 24, Vanunu was detained at a
    checkpoint when he attempted to travel to Bethlehem for midnight mass; he
    was released the next day (see Section 2. a.)
    Citing confidential security reasons, in 2002, the Government imposed and
    renewed 6-month bans on foreign travel for Sheik Raed Salah, leader of the
    Northern Branch of Israel's Islamic Movement. In May 2003, Sheikh Salah was
    arrested for allegedly providing funds to terrorist groups. His trial was
    ongoing during the year.
    Citizens, including dual nationals, are required to enter and leave the
    country using their Israeli passports only. In addition, no citizen or
    passport holder is permitted to travel to countries officially at war with
    Israel without special permission from the Government.
    Advocacy groups challenged the 2003 temporary Citizenship and Entry into
    Israel Law, which bars Palestinians from the occupied territories from
    acquiring residence or citizenship rights through marriage to Israelis or to
    Palestinian residents of Jerusalem. These groups claimed that the law has a
    disproportionate adverse effect on the country's Arab citizens and residents
    (see Section 5).
    In 2002, the police confiscated the passport of Archimandrite Attallah
    Hanna, a citizen and a priest with the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate, for
    allegedly visiting Lebanon without permission and for making public
    statements hostile toward Israel while there. The case against Hanna was
    closed in January after Hanna signed a declaration renouncing terrorism. At
    year's end, Hanna claimed that he had not received a response to his
    application for a passport.
    The law prohibits forced exile of citizens, and the Government generally
    respected this prohibition in practice.
    The Government provides refugees all the protections under the 1951 U.N.
    Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 Protocol and has
    established a system whereby persons can apply for refugee status.
    Palestinians were considered under the protection of the U.N. Relief and
    Works Agency for Palestine Refugees and therefore not eligible for refugee
    status in the country.
    The Government cooperated with the office of the U.N. High Commissioner for
    Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting Jewish
    refugees. The Government also provided temporary protection to individuals
    who may not qualify as refugees under the 1951 Convention or 1967 Protocol.
    The Government provided temporary humanitarian protection to persons from
    "conflict countries," including Sierra Leone, Liberia, Cote d'Ivoire, and
    the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
    Some individuals present on tourist or work visas, or illegally, filed
    petitions with the local UNHCR representative seeking refugee status. The
    UNHCR referred eligible refugee applicants to the National Status Granting
    Body (NSGB), a committee consisting of representatives of the Justice,
    Foreign, and Interior Ministries. The NSGB issued recommendations, with the
    Ministry of Interior making final adjudication on refugee status. The Tel
    Aviv University Refugee Rights Clinic charged that the NSGB's procedures
    were not transparent, that it did not publish data, and that applicants who
    were denied status by the NSGB often were not given a reason for the denial.
    The Government did not return those denied refugee status to their home
    countries against their will. According to the Tel Aviv University Clinic,
    some of those denied refugee status could remain in detention facilities for
    months. In the case of asylum seekers from countries with which Israel was
    at war, the Government attempted to find a third country to accept them. The
    Government provided asylum seekers with temporary work permits, but it did
    not provide them with social benefits. If a person was granted refugee
    status, it was government policy to grant renewable temporary visas.
    Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change
    Their Government
    The law provides citizens with the right to change their government
    peacefully, and citizens exercised this right in practice through periodic,
    free, and fair elections held on the basis of universal suffrage for adult
    citizens. National elections were held in January 2003, when the Likud Party
    led by Ariel Sharon again won a plurality of Knesset seats, and Sharon was
    asked to form a Government of which he became Prime Minister. The country is
    a parliamentary democracy with an active multiparty system in which
    political views are wide ranging. Relatively small parties, including those
    whose primary support was among Israeli Arabs, regularly win seats in the
    Knesset. Elections are by secret ballot.
    In March, the State Comptroller discovered the names of 2,298 citizens age
    110 or over in the voter registry, and determined that ballots had been cast
    in the names of some of these individuals. The Comptroller recommended that
    the Ministry of Interior investigate the registry's data to prevent fraud.
    The Basic Law prohibits the candidacy of any party or individual who denies
    the Jewish character and democratic existence of the State of Israel,
    incites racism, or supports in action or speech the armed struggle of enemy
    states or terror organizations. Prior to the 2003 election, there were
    efforts to disqualify Arab candidates under the provisions of this law;
    however, they were overturned by the Supreme Court.
    In June, the Attorney General exonerated Prime Minister Sharon of
    allegations that he accepted bribes while serving as foreign minister in
    1999. The Attorney General continued to review the Prime Minister's
    connections to the so-called "Cyril Kern Affair," in which he was alleged to
    have engaged in questionable financial dealings to refund illegal campaign
    contributions.
    On July 11, the Prime Minister dismissed Minister of Infrastructure and
    Knesset Member Josef Paritzky from his cabinet seat after Channel 1
    Television broadcast a tape of Paritzky allegedly plotting with a private
    detective to defame a party rival.
    In September, Knesset Member Tzachi Hanegbi was suspended from his post as
    Minister of Public Security, pending a criminal investigation into
    allegations he made inappropriate political appointments while serving as
    environment minister from 2001-03. At year's end, there had been no further
    developments.
    There was an increasing public perception of corruption in the executive and
    legislative branches.
    A 2000 law affords the public access to government information, and citizens
    could petition for such access. According to the Association for Civil
    Rights in Israel, the Government does not effectively implement its freedom
    of information act; consequently, information was not always easy to obtain.
    There were 18 women in the 120-member Knesset, and women chaired 6 of the
    Knesset's 21 committees, including the Committee on the Status of Women.
    There were 3 women in the Cabinet and 6 women on the 14-member High Court of
    Justice. There were 11 Arabs, including 2 Druze, in the 120-member Knesset;
    most of these 11 represented parties that derived their support largely or
    entirely from the Arab community. In March, for the first time since the
    establishment of the State, an Arab was appointed as a permanent justice to
    the High Court of Justice. No Muslim or Druze citizens served on the court.
    Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental
    Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
    Following a visit in November 2003, the World Organization Against Torture
    and the International Federation for Human Rights concluded in a study that
    human rights groups were able to perform a full range of investigative and
    protective activities in the country "without major difficulties."
    In November 2003, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs established a new liaison
    unit to develop and maintain relations with international and domestic NGOs,
    assist domestic NGOs to participate in U.N. and other international fora,
    and to facilitate international NGOs' visits to the country.
    During the year, the Ministry of Interior, operating under a 2002 order,
    barred entry to all foreign nationals affiliated with certain Palestinian
    human rights NGOs and solidarity organizations. In July, immigration police
    detained a U.S. citizen for over a month at Ben Gurion Airport on security
    grounds before a district court ruled that she could enter. The U.S. citizen
    was affiliated with the International Solidarity Movement, a Palestinian
    advocacy NGO.
    In February, the Ministry of Interior sustained the appeal of Adalah against
    the decision of the Office of the Registrar of Associations to investigate
    its activities. The registrar had contended that Adalah exceeded its mandate
    by associating with a political party and mismanaging its finances.
    NGOs must register with the Government by submitting an application and
    paying approximately $20 (85 NIS). They operate under the laws for nonprofit
    organizations. If its application is approved after investigation, the NGO
    receives a license to operate and must register with the tax office to
    receive tax-exempt status. Registered NGOs are eligible to receive state
    funding. Some Israeli-Arab NGOs have complained in the past of difficulties
    in both registering and receiving state funding.
    (See annex regarding NGOs in the occupied territories.)
    Section 5 Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons
    The law prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex, marital status, race,
    political beliefs, or age. Local human rights groups believed that often
    these laws were not enforced, either due to institutionalized discrimination
    or lack of resources.
    Women
    The Equality of Women Law provides for equal rights for women in the
    workplace, the military, education, health, housing, and social welfare, and
    entitles women to protection from violence, sexual harassment, sexual
    exploitation, and trafficking; however, violence against women was a
    problem. According to an annual government report released in March,
    approximately 140,000 women--almost 12 percent of the country's adult women
    population--reported that they suffered from spousal abuse in 2003. The
    Ministry of Welfare and several Knesset committees, including the Domestic
    Violence Committee, have taken steps to address this problem. A wide variety
    of women's organizations and hotlines provided services to abused women. One
    organization reported that it handled approximately 1,300 hotline calls
    regarding domestic violence in 2003 with calls from women double those from
    men.
    Rape is illegal; NGOs considered the incidence of rape a matter of concern.
    In 2001, the Government enacted the Prevention of Stalking Law and amended
    the Prevention of Family Violence Law to require a number of public and
    private sector professional personnel to inform suspected victims of their
    right to turn to the police, welfare service, or Centers for the Prevention
    of Domestic Violence for assistance. There were no accurate statistics
    regarding the extent of sexual harassment in the workplace, although there
    was a dramatic increase in the number of complaints following the enactment
    of the 1998 law prohibiting sexual harassment. According to a government
    report issued in July, the 65 cases of sexual harassment recorded in 2003 in
    the public sector resulted in 12 employees facing internal disciplinary
    action (warnings) and 2 male employees being forced to resign. Currently, 13
    public employees accused of harassment face trial.
    According to IDF data, 358 soldiers complained of sexual harassment during
    the year, an increase of 3 percent from 2003. Male soldiers made 14 of the
    complaints.
    In 2003, a women's organization reported three cases of Arab women killed by
    male relatives in "honor" cases, and that a Bedouin women's organization
    suspected 10 cases of women disappearing in the Negev to involve honor
    killings. There was no accurate estimate of the number of family honor cases
    as families often attempted to cover up the cause of such deaths.
    Prostitution is not illegal; however, the operation of brothels and
    organized sex enterprises is outlawed.
    The law provides for class action suits and requires employers to provide
    equal pay for equal work, including benefits and allowances; however,
    women's rights advocates claimed that significant wage gaps remained.
    According to figures published in March by the Central Bureau of Statistics,
    men's wages in 2002 were 23 percent higher than women's earnings. Women make
    up 56 percent of the bottom echelon of wage earners, but they are only 34
    percent of the top echelon.
    Religious courts adjudicate personal status law. Jewish and Muslim women are
    subject to restrictive interpretations of their rights in both systems.
    Jewish women are not allowed to initiate divorce proceedings without their
    husbands' consent. Consequently, there were estimated to be thousands of
    so-called "agunot" who may not remarry or have legitimate children because
    their husbands either disappeared or refused to grant divorces. Rabbinical
    tribunals may sanction husbands who refuse to divorce wives. A foreign man
    was jailed for over 2 years because he refused to grant his wife a writ of
    divorce. Some Islamic law courts in the country have held that a Muslim
    woman may not request a divorce, but that a woman may be forced to consent
    if a divorce is granted to the husband.
    Children
    Government spending on children was proportionally lower in predominantly
    Arab areas than in Jewish areas. In December 2003, the Child Welfare Council
    of Israel published a report that children in the country were growing
    poorer, and increasingly falling victim to violence, sexual exploitation,
    and drug and alcohol addiction. In November, the National Insurance
    Institute's (NIS) annual report on poverty showed that approximately 680,000
    children, or 30 percent of the total child population, lived below the
    poverty line in 2003. However, some economists disputed the NIS' definition
    of poverty as overly broad. In October the Eli child protection organization
    reported to a Knesset committee that in 2003 it addressed 3,599 child abuse
    cases, as compared to 699 in 2000. The group attributed the increase in part
    to a new law requiring reporting of such abuse. The group claimed that child
    abuse cases in the country increased five-fold after 2000.
    On February 9, Elem, an NGO that aids troubled youth, estimated that there
    were more than 1,000 women under the age of 18 who work as prostitutes.
    Education is compulsory until the child reaches the 10th grade.
    The Government operated two school systems: One for secular Jews and Arabs,
    and one for Orthodox Jews. Ultra-Orthodox Jewish schools, while not a part
    of the public system, also received government funding. In December, the
    National Task Force for the Advancement of Education in Israel (the Dovrat
    Committee) issued a report including recommendations that would affect
    ultra-Orthodox schools. Ultra-Orthodox political parties, such as the United
    Torah Judaism, opposed interference by the Government in its school system.
    Most Jewish children attended schools where the language of instruction was
    Hebrew and the curriculum included Jewish history. Most Israeli-Arab
    children chose schools where the language of instruction was Arabic and the
    curriculum had less of a Jewish focus. Israeli-Arab advocacy groups charged
    that Arab children received an education inferior to that of Jewish children
    in the secular system.
    According to the Government's February 2002 report to the U.N., government
    investment per Arab pupil was approximately 60 percent of investment per
    Jewish pupil.
    High school graduation rates for Arabs were significantly lower than for
    Jews. According to an Israeli-Arab advocacy group, the percentage of Jews
    beginning university studies was 21.5 percent compared with 11.5 percent of
    those defined as "members of other religions," mostly Arabs. Preschool
    attendance for Bedouin children was the lowest in the country, and the
    dropout rate for Bedouin high school students was the highest. Arab members
    of the Knesset have criticized the lower academic achievements of Arab
    students and stated that this was an indication of discrimination in the
    system.
    The Government has legislated against sexual, physical, and psychological
    abuse of children and has mandated comprehensive reporting requirements. The
    sharp increase in reported cases of child abuse in recent years, activists
    believed, was due to increased awareness rather than a growing pattern of
    abuse. There were five shelters for children at risk of abuse.
    Trafficking in Persons
    The law prohibits trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual
    exploitation; however, trafficking of women for prostitution remained a
    serious problem. Trafficking in foreign labor has also been a problem. The
    penal code stipulates that it is a criminal offense, punishable by between 4
    and 20 years imprisonment, to coerce a person to engage in prostitution and
    makes it a crime to induce a woman to leave the country to "practice
    prostitution abroad."
    The operation of brothels and "organized sex enterprises" is outlawed, as
    are many of the abuses committed by traffickers and procurers, such as
    assault, rape, abduction, and false imprisonment; however, brothels operated
    in several major cities. The law guarantees foreign laborers legal status,
    decent working conditions, health insurance, and a written employment
    contract; however, some foreign laborers entered the country under
    conditions that constituted trafficking. Numerous reports documented foreign
    laborers living in harsh conditions, subjected to debt bondage, and
    restricted in their movements.
    Organized crime groups trafficked women primarily from the former Soviet
    Union, sometimes luring these women by offers of service jobs. Foreign
    laborers came mainly from Southeast Asia, East Asia, Africa, Turkey, Eastern
    Europe (Romania), and South and Central America. Some women were sold to
    brothels, forced to live in harsh conditions, subjected to beatings and
    rape, and reportedly forced to work off transportation costs and other
    "debts" through sexual servitude. In September, police arrested 40 suspected
    members of a Russian-Israeli prostitute smuggling ring which, according to a
    major media report, the police believed had brought hundreds of women into
    the country over the past decade. According to local NGOs, several hundred
    women are trafficked into the country annually, but the number decreased
    from previous years because of increased airport security.
    During the year, the Government strengthened its laws for fighting
    trafficking and established a new border police unit to combat smuggling of
    persons and drugs across the border with Egypt. A 2003 law provides minimum
    sentencing requirements for convicted sex traffickers. During the year, the
    Government filed 89 indictments for trafficking. Also, the police conducted
    50 criminal investigations of trafficking and 516 involving related
    offenses. During the year, the police arrested 103 persons for trafficking,
    69 of whom were denied bail. The prosecution division of the Ministry of
    Trade and Labor filed 309 criminal indictments against employers and
    manpower firms for violations of labor laws concerned with employment of
    foreign workers. The Government received 88 judgments against violators
    during the year, for a combined sum in criminal fines of approximately $3
    million (13.5 million NIS).
    The Government investigated allegations that individual police officers
    engaged in misconduct, including taking bribes or tipping off brothels of
    raids, but these instances of corruption were not widespread.
    In February, the Government opened a new, 50-person-capacity shelter for
    trafficking victims. As of the end of the year, it was almost filled to
    capacity, and NGOs claimed that additional shelters were needed. The
    Government continued to provide some victims with lodging in police-funded
    hostels, minimal financial assistance, and access to medical care.
    Trafficking victims who are willing to assist in prosecuting traffickers,
    are not prosecuted or fined for illegal entry or for the possession of
    fraudulent documents, and receive visas and permits. According to the
    Government, during the year, 108 trafficking victims chose to testify,
    compared to 81 victims in 2003. In August 2003, the State Attorney's office,
    the police, and the Knesset urged the courts to speed up the process of
    taking testimony from trafficking victims; the law stipulates that testimony
    must be taken within 2 months of the indictment of suspected traffickers,
    but some victims have waited as long as 18 months.
    In comparison with previous years, the Government increased its campaign to
    combat trafficking, and cooperated with local NGOs to launch an information
    campaign in countries of origin. With assistance of NGOs, the Government
    distributed brochures through its embassies in such source countries as
    Moldova and Uzbekistan, warning potential victims of the threat.
    Persons with Disabilities
    The Government provided a range of benefits, including income maintenance,
    housing subsidies, and transportation support for persons with disabilities,
    who constituted approximately 2.4 percent of the population. Existing
    antidiscrimination laws do not prohibit discrimination based on disability,
    and persons with disabilities continued to encounter difficulties in areas
    such as employment and housing. A law requiring access to public buildings
    for persons with disabilities was not widely enforced and accessibility of
    public transportation was not legally mandated. A 2002 survey of buildings
    by the Commissioner for Equality for the Disabled indicated that most
    building owners have ignored access laws for persons with disabilities. The
    commissioner also accused the Government of not adequately providing for the
    employment needs of the persons with disabilities, despite legal
    requirements to do so. In December 2003, the Attorney General told the
    Knesset committee that laws protecting and assisting persons with
    disabilities were not being implemented due mainly to a lack of funding.
    National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities
    The Orr Commission of Inquiry's report (see Section 1.a.) stated that the
    "Government handling of the Arab sector has been primarily neglectful and
    discriminatory," that the Government "did not show sufficient sensitivity to
    the needs of the Arab population, and did not take enough action to allocate
    state resources in an equal manner." As a result, "serious distress
    prevailed in the Arab sector in various areas. Evidence of distress included
    poverty, unemployment, a shortage of land, serious problems in the education
    system, and substantially defective infrastructure."
    In June, the Government adopted the proposals of a special ministerial
    committee on implementing the Orr Commission's recommendations, including
    the establishment of a government body to promote the Arab sector, the
    creation of a volunteer, national civilian service program for Arab youth,
    and the creation of a day of national tolerance. At year's end, the
    Government had not implemented these proposals.
    In December, the Knesset established a new subcommittee charged with
    monitoring the needs of the Israeli-Arab sector and advocating necessary
    alterations in the budget. The subcommittee is to be chaired by an
    Israeli-Arab Knesset member.
    In November, the Israeli-Arab advocacy NGO Sikkuy's annual report stated
    that 45 percent of Arab families were poor, in contrast to 15 percent of
    Jewish families, and that the rate of infant mortality in the Arab sector
    was 8 out of 1,000 births--twice that of the Jewish population. According to
    Human Rights Watch, during the year, the Government provided 1 teacher for
    every 16 Jewish primary school children compared to 1 teacher for every 19.7
    Arab children.
    According to a report by Mossawa, racist violence against Arab citizens has
    increased, and the Government has not done enough to prevent this problem.
    The annual report cited 17 acts of violence by Jewish citizens against Arab
    citizens. In October, police arrested two 15-year-old boys for allegedly
    assaulting and harassing Arabs several months earlier. The two youths
    reportedly have admitted to the allegations against them. Advocacy groups
    charged government officials with making racist statements. In December,
    Knesset member Yehiel Hazan likened Arabs to "worms" in a speech in the
    Knesset on a terrorist attack. The Attorney General declined to open
    investigations into incitement by several public figures, including Hazan.
    In June, the Jerusalem District Court filed six indictments against fans of
    a local soccer team for shouting "death to the Arabs" at the local stadium.
    In May, then-Transportation Minister Avigdor Lieberman publicly advocated
    the transfer of Israeli-Arab communities to the occupied territories. A
    Haifa University poll released in June revealed that over 63 percent of Jews
    believed that the Government should encourage Israeli Arabs to emigrate.
    Approximately 93 percent of land in the country was public domain, including
    that owned by the state and some 12.5 percent owned by the Jewish National
    Fund (JNF). All public land by law may only be leased, not sold. The JNF's
    statutes prohibit the sale or lease of land to non-Jews. In October, civil
    rights groups petitioned the High Court of Justice claiming that a bid
    announcement by the Israel Land Administration (ILA) involving JNF land was
    discriminatory in that it banned Arabs from bidding. The ILA halted
    marketing JNF land in the North and the Galilee. In December, Adalah
    petitioned the High Court to annul definitively the ILA policy. At year's
    end, there had been no court action.
    The Jewish community of Katzir had refused to provide an Israeli-Arab
    family, the Ka'adans, with title to a plot of land. In 2000, the High Court
    of Justice ruled that the Government cannot discriminate against Israeli
    Arabs in the distribution of State resources, and that the ILA must provide
    the Ka'adans with the plot they wanted to buy. According to ACRI, the
    Ka'adans will be able to sign a lease upon payment of a development fee to
    the local municipality.
    Israeli-Arab advocacy organizations have challenged the Government's policy
    of demolishing illegal buildings in the Arab sector, and claimed that the
    Government was more restrictive in issuing building permits in Arab
    communities than in Jewish communities, thereby not accommodating natural
    growth. In February, security forces demolished several homes allegedly
    built without authorization in the Arab village of Beineh (see Section
    1.c.). The Orr Commission found that "suitable planning should be carried
    out [in the Arab sector] as soon as possible to prevent illegal
    construction... " A ministerial committee, created to advise the Government
    on implementing the Orr Commission recommendations, called on the ILA to
    complete master plans for Arab towns, some half of which currently lack such
    plans. In towns without plans, and in 46 unrecognized Bedouin villages,
    building permits are not legally available. Israeli-Arab advocacy
    organizations have challenged the Government's plan to demolish more illegal
    buildings in areas in which it is not possible to obtain building permits.
    In June, the Supreme Court ruled that omitting Arab towns from specific
    government social and economic plans is discriminatory. This judgment builds
    on previous assessments of disadvantages suffered by Arab Israelis.
    Israeli-Arab organizations have challenged as discriminatory the 1996
    "Master Plan for the Northern Areas of Israel," which listed as priority
    goals increasing the Galilee's Jewish population and blocking the
    territorial contiguity of Arab towns. Objections were presented at a hearing
    in March 2003, but there was no response from the National Council for
    Building and Planning. The plan had not been implemented at year's end.
    On February 25, security forces demolished several homes in the Arab village
    of Beineh, claiming that the houses were built illegally. Adalah filed a
    complaint in April with the Ministry of Justice charging that security
    forces assaulted residents of Beineh in their homes and caused widespread
    property damage during the demolitions. At year's end, the Justice Ministry
    was still investigating the incident.
    Israeli Arabs were underrepresented in the student bodies and faculties of
    most universities and in higher professional and business ranks. The Bureau
    of Statistics noted that the median number of school years for the Jewish
    population is 3 years more than for the Arab population. Well educated Arabs
    often were unable to find jobs commensurate with their level of education.
    According to Sikkuy, Arab citizens held approximately 60 to 70 of the
    country's 5,000 university faculty positions. A small number of Israeli
    Arabs have risen to responsible positions in the civil service, generally in
    the Arab departments of government ministries. In September 2003, the
    Government approved an affirmative action plan to promote the hiring of
    Israeli Arabs in the civil service. However, according to Civil Service
    Commission data, only 5.05 percent of civil servants are Arab or Druze and
    only 193 of the 4,531 civil servants hired in 2003 were non-Jewish.
    In January, in order to implement a 2000 law requiring that minorities be
    granted "appropriate representation" in the civil service and on the boards
    of government corporations, Prime Minister Sharon mandated that every
    state-run company's corporate board must have at least one Arab member by
    August. In June, the media reported that the number of Arabs sitting on the
    boards of state corporations actually had declined. According to data from
    the Government Companies Authority, Arabs were only 36 out of the 544 board
    members of state-run companies.
    Israeli Arabs continued to complain of discriminatory treatment at the
    airport. In February, Ben Gurion Airport security officials singled out the
    editor of an Arab weekly, Lutfi Mashour, from his Jewish colleagues for
    additional security checks before he could join the press entourage, whose
    individual members President Moshe Katsav had invited to accompany him to
    Paris. Mashour refused to subject himself to the checks, and security
    officials prevented him from accompanying the President.
    Israeli Arabs were not required to perform mandatory military service and,
    in practice, only a small percentage of Israeli Arabs served in the
    military. Those who did not serve in the army had less access than other
    citizens to social and economic benefits for which military service was a
    prerequisite or an advantage, such as housing, new-household subsidies, and
    employment, especially government or security-related industrial employment.
    Regarding the latter, for security reasons, Israeli Arabs generally were
    restricted from working in companies with defense contracts or in
    security-related fields. In December, the Ivri Committee on National Service
    issued official recommendations to the Government that Israel Arabs not be
    compelled to perform national or "civic" service, but be afforded an
    opportunity to perform such service.
    The Israeli Druze and Circassian communities were subject to the military
    draft, and the overwhelming majority accepted service willingly. Some
    Bedouin and other Arab citizens who were not subject to the draft served
    voluntarily.
    The Bedouin sector was the weakest of all the population groups in the
    country. The COI report called for "special attention" to the living
    conditions of the Bedouin community. Approximately 140,000 Bedouin live in
    the Negev; half in 7 state-planned communities, and the rest in 46
    unrecognized settlements. The recognized Bedouin villages received basic
    services, but remained among the poorest communities in the country.
    According to a media report, some "60 percent of the community's babies are
    not inoculated, the school dropout rate is exceedingly high, and 31 percent
    of school-age children in unrecognized settlements are illiterate."
    According to PHR, the unrecognized villages were not connected to national
    infrastructure and lacked basic services.
    In March, the Supreme Court issued a temporary injunction to prevent the ILA
    from spraying herbicide on Bedouin crops in unrecognized villages. Adalah
    alleged that the herbicide has caused adverse health effects; the ILA
    claimed that the crops were planted illegally on state-owned land.
    During the year, the Government began to implement a plan to relocate
    Bedouin living in unrecognized villages to seven new townships. Nearly
    two-thirds of the plan's $225 million (1 billion NIS) allocation is
    earmarked for "environmental law enforcement in the Negev," which included
    resources for crop-spraying and home demolitions.
    Government planners noted that funds to complete the seven new townships
    were far from sufficient, and that the average Bedouin family did not have
    adequate funds to purchase a home there. Clashes between authorities and
    residents of unrecognized villages have escalated over the past year,
    resulting in one Bedouin resident of the village of Atir killed during a
    clash with a government home-demolition unit.
    In July, the Government extended for 6 months the 2003 Citizenship and Entry
    into Israel Law, which bars Palestinians from the occupied territories from
    acquiring residence or citizenship rights through marriage to Israelis.
    Several civil rights groups petitioned the High Court arguing that the law
    has a disproportionate effect on the country's Arab citizens. The ISA
    recommended the law based on its allegation that in some 20 cases
    Palestinian spouses of Arab citizens were involved in terrorist activity.
    Advocacy groups stated that approximately 16,000 residency applications have
    been affected. In August, the Attorney General informed the court that the
    Government may amend the law in February 2005 to widen exceptions to the
    ban. In December, the court ruled that it would wait to review these
    amendments before ruling on the legality of the law.
    Other Societal Abuses and Discrimination
    In June, bystanders verbally harassed participants in a gay pride parade in
    Jerusalem. At the same time, a photograph and the telephone number of a
    homosexual Jerusalem city council member was plastered on that city's
    billboards along with accusations that he would bring disaster to Jerusalem.
    Anonymous callers threatened to bomb the parade; however, there was no
    violence.
    In 2003, the Association of Gay Men, Lesbians, Bisexuals, and Transgendered
    in Israel complained of several incidents in which police allegedly engaged
    in verbal and physical harassment of homosexuals in a Tel Aviv public park.
    Representatives of that organization subsequently met with the police to
    discuss ways to improve relations, and the police appointed contact persons
    in all police districts who serve as liaisons to the homosexual community.
    No similar complaints were reported during the year.
    Section 6 Worker Rights
    a. The Right of Association
    Citizen workers may join and establish labor organizations freely. Most
    unions belong to Histadrut (the General Federation of Labor in Israel) or to
    a much smaller rival federation, the Histadrut Haovdim Haleumit (National
    Federation of Labor). These organizations are independent of the Government.
    Histadrut members elect national and local officers and officials of its
    affiliated women's organization, Na'amat, from lists of those already in the
    union. Plant or enterprise committee members are elected individually.
    Approximately 650,000 workers were members of Histadrut during the year, and
    much of the non-Histadrut work force was covered by Histadrut's collective
    bargaining agreements.
    Nonresident workers, including Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza
    Strip, were not able to join Israeli trade unions or organize their own
    unions in Israel. Nonresident workers in the organized sector were entitled
    to the protection of Histadrut work contracts and grievance procedures. They
    may join, vote for, and be elected to shop-level workers' committees if
    their numbers in individual establishments exceed a minimum threshold.
    Palestinian participation in such committees was minimal.
    Labor laws apply to Palestinians holding East Jerusalem identity cards and
    to the Syrian Druze living on the Golan Heights.
    Unions were free to affiliate with international organizations.
    b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
    Citizen workers exercised their legal rights to organize and bargain
    collectively. The law specifically prohibits antiunion discrimination. No
    antiunion discrimination was reported.
    Nonresident workers could not organize their own unions or engage in
    collective bargaining, but they were entitled to be represented by the
    bargaining agent and protected by collective bargaining agreements. The
    country's immigration officials estimated there were approximately 200,000
    foreign workers in the country. They did not pay union dues, but were
    required to pay an agency fee in lieu of dues, which entitled them to union
    protection by Histadrut's collective bargaining agreements. The Ministry of
    Labor has the authority to extend collective bargaining agreements to
    nonunionized workplaces in the same industrial sector. The Ministry of Labor
    also oversaw personal contracts in the unorganized sectors of the economy.
    The right to strike was exercised regularly. Unions must provide 15 days'
    notice prior to a strike. The law protected strike leaders--even those
    organizing illegal strikes. If essential public services are affected, the
    Government may appeal to labor courts for back-to-work orders while the
    parties continue negotiations. Worker dismissals and the terms of severance
    arrangements often were the central issues of dispute. During the year,
    there were several major strikes of municipal workers. For example, on
    September 21, Histadrut called a nationwide strike over unpaid public sector
    wages to some 20,000 local government workers, reportedly involving 400,000
    workers. Agreement was reached whereby the Government would pay grants to
    the local authorities in accordance with a recovery plan. During July, the
    port workers conducted strikes over a period of weeks to protest the
    Government's intentions to implement port reforms. In July, the country's
    Manufacturers Association reported that the strikes had caused approximately
    $400 million (2 billion NIS) in economic damages.
    There are no export processing zones. In December, the country signed an
    agreement with Egypt to establish a "Qualified Industrial Zone" (QIZ), which
    creates duty-exempt zones to facilitate joint manufacturing between Israel
    and Egypt for exports to the United States. Egyptian labor laws apply since
    the factories are located in Egypt. A comparable QIZ was established with
    Jordan in 1998.
    c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
    The law prohibits forced or compulsory labor, including by children, and
    there were no reports that such practices occurred for citizens or
    nonresident Palestinians working in Israel; however, civil rights groups
    charged that unscrupulous employers often took advantage of illegal workers'
    lack of status to hold them in conditions that amount to involuntary
    servitude (see Section 6.e.).
    Women were trafficked for the purpose of prostitution (see Section 5,
    Trafficking).
    d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment
    Children at least 15 years old, who have completed their education up to
    grade 10, may be employed as apprentices only, according to the
    Apprenticeship Law. Children who are 14 years old may be employed during
    official school holidays in light work that will not harm their health.
    Working hours of those 16 to 18 years of age are restricted to ensure time
    for rest and education. The Government enforced these restrictions in
    practice.
    No reliable data existed regarding illegal child workers, although it is
    believed they exist to a small degree, primarily in urban, light industry.
    Previously, there were reports of illegal child labor in the country's
    undocumented Palestinian population; however, with the greatly reduced
    Palestinian workforce, such reports could no longer be confirmed.
    e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
    The minimum wage was calculated periodically and adjusted for cost of living
    increases. During the year, the minimum wage was approximately 47.8 percent
    of the average wage. At year's end, the minimum wage was approximately $900
    (3,335 NIS) per month. During the year, the minimum wage often was
    supplemented by special allowances for citizens and was considered by the
    Government to be sufficient to provide a citizen worker and family with a
    decent standard of living. Some union officials and social commentators
    disputed that. Union officials expressed concern over enforcement,
    particularly with respect to employers of illegal nonresident workers.
    By law, the maximum hours of work at regular pay are 42.5 hours a week, 8
    hours a day, and 7 hours in night work on the day before the weekly rest.
    That rest period must be at least 36 consecutive hours and include the
    Sabbath for Jews and a choice of Friday, Saturday, or Sunday for non-Jews.
    Employers must receive a government permit to hire Palestinian workers from
    the occupied territories, and, to do so, must make a case that no citizen is
    available for the job. All Palestinians from the occupied territories
    working legally in Israel were employed on a daily basis and, unless they
    were employed on shift work, were not authorized to spend the night in
    Israel. Palestinians without valid work permits were subject to arrest.
    Palestinian employees, whose Israeli employers recruited them through the
    Ministry of Labor, received their wages and benefits through that ministry.
    Palestinian workers were not eligible for all National Insurance Institute
    (NII) benefits although the ministry deducted a union fee and required
    contributions to the NII. Palestinians, paid through the Labor Ministry,
    continued to be entitled to maternity leave and were insured for injuries
    suffered while working in the country and for any wages lost by bankruptcy
    of a worker's employer. They did not, however, receive unemployment
    insurance, general disability payments, or low-income supplements.
    Palestinians, who were not employed through the Labor Ministry, were paid
    directly by their Israeli employers.
    Since 1993, the Government has agreed to transfer the NII fees collected
    from Palestinian workers to the Palestinian Authority (PA), which was to
    assume responsibility for all the pensions and social benefits of
    Palestinians working in Israel. According to the Government, these funds
    were unfrozen and transferred to the PA at the beginning of 2003, when
    mechanisms for transferring the funds and mechanisms for providing these
    services in the PA controlled territories were established.
    Following the outbreak of violence in 2000, the Government implemented a
    closure policy on the occupied territories, which prevented nearly all
    Palestinians from getting to their places of employment in Israel (see
    Section 2.d.). As of midyear, the Government issued approximately 15,000
    work permits for Palestinian day laborers, of which approximately 12,500
    were used by Palestinians to cross into Israel.
    Along with union representatives, the Labor Inspection Service enforced
    labor, health, and safety standards in the workplace, although resource
    constraints, such as insufficient staffing, affected overall enforcement.
    Legislation protects the employment rights of safety delegates elected or
    appointed by the workers. In cooperation with management, these delegates
    were responsible for safety and health in the workplace.
    Workers did not have the legal right to remove themselves from dangerous
    work situations without jeopardy to continued employment. However,
    collective bargaining agreements provided some workers with recourse through
    the work site labor committee. Any worker may challenge unsafe work
    practices through government oversight and legal agencies. Continuing NGO
    and police reports charged that illegal workers often lived in situations
    amounting to involuntary servitude, due primarily to their tenuous legal
    status and lack of recourse. NGOs noted cases in which the police injured
    foreign workers during arrest. In July, the immigration police reportedly
    raided a factory on Kibbutz Ramat Hakovesh and found eight allegedly
    illegally employed Thai workers living in harsh conditions.
    Public debate continued regarding the role in the workplace and society of
    non-Palestinian foreign workers, whom the Government estimated as
    approximately 189,000 at the end of 2003. According to the Government, most
    of these workers entered the country illegally or overstayed their visas,
    with illegal migrant workers reaching 104,000. The Government estimated
    that, during the year, approximately 45,000 illegal migrant workers left the
    country, with approximately 19,000 deported and the rest departing
    voluntarily. Currently, the Government estimated that approximately 60,000
    to 70,000 workers employed illegally still resided in the country. The
    majority of such workers came from Eastern Europe and Southeast Asia and
    worked in the construction and agricultural sectors, and as domestic help.
    During the year, the Government sought to restrict the entry and stay of new
    and resident workers.
    The law does not permit foreign workers to obtain citizenship or permanent
    residence status unless they are Jewish.
    In May, the Minister of Interior halted the deportation of any illegal
    foreign workers' children, age 10 and above and who were born and raised in
    the country, until a ministerial panel formulated a policy for naturalizing
    children in these circumstances. During the year, the Government allowed
    over 2,300 foreign laborers to change employers.
    NGOs alleged that foreign workers were being lured to the country with the
    promise of jobs that did not exist. Some foreign workers reportedly paid up
    to $10,000 (45,000 NIS) to employment agencies to obtain work permits.
    According to NGOs, in a significant number of cases workers were dismissed
    shortly after arriving. Allegedly, the manpower companies worked with
    deportation authorities to deport the newly arrived workers, who were then
    replaced by others, earning the companies more fees. NGOs argued that most
    workers expected to work for some time in the country to recoup their
    initial payments; those dismissed often sought illegal employment and some
    committed suicide.
    Illegal foreign workers facing deportation were brought before a special
    court, and workers may contest the deportation orders. Many workers lacked
    fluency in Hebrew, which hindered the process. In March, in response to
    judicial criticism about the protracted detention of foreign workers, the
    Attorney General directed that detained foreign workers must be brought
    before the court within 4 days of arrest, and not the 2 weeks stipulated by
    law. NGOs existed to aid workers facing deportation, and there have been
    cases in which the worker's status was reinstated. The court also provided a
    forum where workers subject to deportation orders can lodge claims for
    unpaid wages or other benefits to which they are entitled by law. Workers
    were often deported before they could lodge such claims. NGOs noted cases in
    which the police injured foreign workers during arrest. In some cases, these
    NGOs claimed, the workers were injured so seriously that they were not
    ultimately detained, due to the potential cost of care for their injuries
    and police fears of possible investigation of police misconduct. In 2003, at
    least one foreign worker killed himself while in detention; however, there
    were no such cases during the year.
    In 2002, the editor of the foreign worker newspaper Manila-Tel Aviv Times
    was deported shortly after giving interviews to other publications on the
    subject of foreign worker rights under the law; foreign worker advocates
    claimed the deportation was politically motivated. During 2003, another
    reporter from the publication was deported after advising foreign workers in
    an article on strategies for avoiding detention and deportation. Human
    rights groups claimed that since foreign worker residency permits were tied
    to specific employment, even legal foreign workers had little leverage to
    influence their work conditions. However, there were no comparable
    deportation actions during the year, and the newspaper continued to operate.
    The Occupied Territories (Including Areas Subject to the Jurisdiction of the
    Palestinian Authority)
    Israel occupied the West Bank, Gaza Strip, Golan Heights, and East Jerusalem
    during the 1967 War. Pursuant to the May 1994 Gaza-Jericho Agreement and the
    September 1995 Interim Agreement, Israel transferred most responsibilities
    for civil government in the Gaza Strip and parts of the West Bank to the
    newly created Palestinian Authority (PA). The 1995 Interim Agreement divided
    the territories into three types of areas denoting different levels of
    Palestinian Authority and Israeli occupation control. Since Palestinian
    extremist groups resumed the use of violence in 2000, Israeli forces have
    resumed control of a number of the PA areas, citing the PA's failure to
    abide by its security responsibilities.
    The body of law governing Palestinians in the occupied territories derives
    from Ottoman, British Mandate, Jordanian, and Egyptian law, and Israeli
    military orders. Laws and regulations promulgated by the PA also are in
    force. Israeli settlers were subject to Israeli law.
    The Palestinian Authority now has a democratically elected President and
    Legislative Council, which elects a Prime Minister and Cabinet. Following
    the death of PA Chairman Yasir Arafat on November 11, an election for PA
    president was scheduled for January 9, 2005. Seven candidates competed in a
    vigorous election campaign throughout the occupied territories. Municipal
    elections were held in selected West Bank localities on December 23--the
    first since 1976. Future rounds of municipal elections were scheduled for
    2005. New Palestinian Legislative Council elections were scheduled for July
    17, 2005.
    Israel exercised occupation authority through the Israeli Ministry of
    Defense's Office of Coordination and Liaison (MATAK).
    Violence associated with the Intifada has claimed the lives of 3,517
    Palestinians, according to the Palestine Red Crescent Society (PRCS), 1,051
    Israelis, according to the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs website, and
    52 foreign nationals, according to B'tselem, an Israeli human rights
    organization that monitors the occupied territories. During the year, over
    800 Palestinians were killed during Israeli military operations in the
    occupied territories, a total of 76 Israeli civilians and 4 foreigners were
    killed in terrorist attacks in both Israel and the occupied territories, and
    41 members of the Israeli Defense Forces were killed in clashes with
    Palestinian militants.
    The Palestinian security forces included the National Security Forces (NSF),
    the Preventive Security Organization (PSO), the General Intelligence
    Service, or Mukhabarat, the Presidential Security Force, and the Coastal
    Police. Other quasi-military security organizations, such as the Military
    Intelligence Organization, also exercised de facto law enforcement powers.
    Palestinian police were normally responsible for security and law
    enforcement for Palestinians and other non Israelis in PA-controlled areas
    of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Palestinian security forces were under the
    authority of the PA. Members of the PA security forces committed numerous,
    serious abuses.
    Israeli security forces in the West Bank and Gaza Strip consisted of the
    Israeli Defense Forces (IDF), the Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet), the
    Israeli National Police (INP), and the Border Police, an operational arm of
    the Israel National Police that is under IDF command when operating in the
    occupied territories. Israeli military courts tried Palestinians accused of
    security offenses. Israeli security forces were under effective government
    control. Members of the Israeli security forces committed numerous, serious
    abuses.
    The population of the Gaza Strip was approximately 1.4 million, of the West
    Bank (excluding East Jerusalem) approximately 2.4 million, and of East
    Jerusalem approximately 414,518, including 177,333 Israelis. The economy of
    the West Bank and Gaza Strip is small, underdeveloped, and highly dependent
    on Israel and international assistance. The continuing conflict, including
    Israeli curfews and closures, severely affected the economy.
    The PA's overall human rights record remained poor, and it continued to
    commit numerous, serious abuses. There were credible reports that PA
    officers engaged in torture, prisoner abuse, and arbitrary and prolonged
    detention. Conditions for prisoners were poor. PA security forces infringed
    privacy and freedom of speech and press. The PA did not take available
    measures to prevent attacks by terrorist groups either within the occupied
    territories or within Israel. Impunity was a serious problem. Domestic abuse
    of women persisted. Societal discrimination against women and persons with
    disabilities and child labor remained problems.
    There were reports that Israeli security forces used excessive force, abused
    and tortured detainees. Conditions in permanent prisons met international
    standards, but temporary facilities were austere and overcrowded. Many
    Israeli security personnel were prosecuted for committing abuses, but
    international and Israeli human rights groups complained of lack of
    disciplinary action in a large number of cases.
    The Israeli Government continued construction of a security barrier along
    parts of the Green Line (the 1949 Armistice line) and in the West Bank. The
    PA alleged that the routing of the barrier resulted in the taking of land,
    isolating residents from hospitals, schools, social services, and
    agricultural property. Israel asserts that it has sought to build the
    barrier on public lands where possible, and where private land was used,
    provided opportunities for compensation. Palestinians filed a number of
    cases with the Israeli Supreme Court challenging the routing of the barrier.
    In June, the Court ruled that a section of the barrier must be rerouted;
    determining that the injury caused by the routing of the barrier did not
    stand in proper proportion to the security benefits; various portions of the
    barrier route were rerouted. On July 9, the International Court of Justice
    issued an advisory opinion, concluding that "The construction of the wall
    built by Israel, the occupying Power, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory,
    including in and around East Jerusalem. and its associated regime, are
    contrary to international law."
    RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
    Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
    a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
    Killings by Palestinian and Israeli security forces and by Israel settlers
    and Palestinian militant groups remained a serious problem.
    'Imran Abu Hamdiyah, a 17-year-old Palestinian, was found dead in Hebron in
    December 2002. In April 2003, four Israeli Border Police officers were
    arrested on charges that they had beaten Hamdiyah and then dumped him from
    their moving vehicle, causing fatal injuries. At year's end, a trial begun
    in 2003 was reportedly still ongoing.
    Three U.S. security personnel in a diplomatic convoy were killed in an
    attack in October 2003. At year's end, there had been no progress by the PA's
    investigative team, and the case remains unsolved.
    On May 2, Palestinians belonging to the al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades and the
    Islamic Jihad shot and killed Tali Hatuel, an Israeli settler and her four
    daughters in the Gaza Strip when their car spun off the road after a
    shooting. An Israeli traveling in a separate car and two IDF soldiers were
    injured before the gunmen were killed.
    On August 2, grenades were thrown into a room holding suspected Palestinian
    collaborators in the Gaza Central Prison. Two Palestinian prisoners were
    killed, and six others were injured. Palestinian security officials arrested
    two policemen, who allegedly had carried out the attack on behalf of Hamas.
    At year's end, no further legal action had been taken against the two police
    officers.
    On September 20, gunmen belonging to the al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades shot and
    killed Rami Yaghmour near Ramallah, alleging that Yaghmour had collaborated
    with Israel. The PA security services arrested two persons who were
    subsequently released.
    On September 27, an Israeli settler, Yehoshua Elitzur, shot and killed
    Palestinian taxi-driver Sa'al Jabara near Nablus. According to witnesses,
    Elitzur shot Jabara at close range after he had slowed his car to ask
    whether Elitzur needed assistance. On October 25, Elitzur was indicted in
    Tel Aviv District Court.
    On October 1, according to a Palestinian human rights group, 10 unknown
    individuals in military uniforms entered the central prison in Nablus and
    killed 2 prisoners.
    On October 7, gunmen belonging to al-Aqsa entered a hospital in Ramallah,
    kidnapped a Palestinian accused of collaboration, shot him, and left his
    body on the street.
    On October 11, an assailant believed to be an Israeli settler shot and
    seriously wounded Palestinian farmer Hani Shadeh, 26, after Shadeh engaged
    in an argument with settlers. Local Palestinians said that settlers had cut
    down approximately 1,000 olive trees in an effort to drive Palestinians from
    their farmland.
    On October 27, an Israeli settler shot and killed 18-year-old Salman Yussuf
    Safadi near the settlement of Yizhar. The settler initially claimed that
    Safadi attempted to enter his home, but later said that the Palestinian was
    not in his home when he shot him. Settlers placed spikes in the road that
    prevented an ambulance from reaching Safadi before he died. The Israeli
    police opened an investigation into both the shooting and the obstruction of
    the ambulance; however, at year's end, there were no public results.
    On December 27, a Palestinian male was found dead outside Ramallah. Al-Aqsa
    claimed responsibility for killing the suspected collaborator.
    b. Disappearance
    There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances during the
    year.
    c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
    Article 13 of the PA Basic Law prohibits the use of torture or force against
    detainees; however, international human rights groups stated that the use of
    torture was widespread and not restricted to those persons detained on
    security charges.
    Torture by PA security forces reportedly was widespread. Documentation of
    abuses was very limited, due partly to the hesitancy of alleged victims to
    file or make public claims of torture or abuse against PA authorities.
    Palestinian security officers have no formal guidelines regarding the proper
    conduct of interrogations; most convictions were based largely on
    confessions
    Israeli law, as interpreted by a 1999 High Court of Justice decision,
    prohibited torture and several interrogation techniques, such as violent
    shaking, holding and tying of prisoner in painful positions, shackling,
    sleep deprivation, covering the prisoner's head with a sack, playing loud
    music, and prolonged exposure to extreme temperatures, but allowed "moderate
    physical pressure" against detainees considered to possess information about
    an imminent attack. However, CATI and the Physicians for Human Rights in
    Israel (PHR) reported that techniques prohibited by the law were used
    against Palestinian detainees during interrogation and that security forces
    often beat Palestinians during arrest and transport. Israeli law prohibits
    the admission of forced confessions, but most convictions in security cases
    were based on confessions made before legal representation was available to
    defendants.
    (A detainee may not have contact with a lawyer until after interrogation, a
    process that may last weeks. The International Committee of the Red Cross
    (ICRC) is notified of arrests 12 days after they take place, and the ICRC is
    allowed to visit detainees 14 days after their arrest.) Detainees sometimes
    stated in court that their confessions were coerced, but there were no
    instances when judges excluded such confessions.
    In January, at the Huwwara checkpoint, an IDF sergeant handcuffed and beat a
    Palestinian man in front of his family. The man was then removed to a hut
    and further beaten. The incident was taped by an IDF video team. The
    sergeant was convicted by a military judicial panel in September, sentenced
    to 6 months in jail, and demoted to the rank of private; he also admitted
    beating at least 8 other Palestinians and smashing windshields of 10
    taxicabs from mid-January until the end of February.
    On May 23, a PA prison guard at a facility in Jericho severely beat a
    prisoner with a metal ruler, according to a witness. The witness also saw
    several other guards and nonuniformed individuals taking part.
    On May 24, another witness in the same facility observed a prisoner being
    beaten with a nightstick. The prison governor claimed that the prisoner had
    provoked the initial beating by taunting the guards, but he refused to
    explain the presence of other guards and plainclothes individuals during the
    beating.
    The Public Committee Against Torture in Israel (PCATI) reported that on July
    6, a Palestinian inmate at the Gilboa Prison poured a hot substance on an
    Israeli prison official. In response, prison officials allegedly forced the
    cellblock inmates to kneel with their hands tied behind their backs and beat
    them, resulting in numerous injuries. At of year's end, PCATI had not
    received a response from the prison authorities regarding this incident.
    On September 26, the Israeli Justice Ministry filed indictments against five
    Border Policemen accused of severely abusing two Palestinians detained for
    lacking the necessary permits in Abu Dis earlier in September. According to
    the indictment, the border policemen forced the two Palestinians into a
    building and beat one with rifles, boots, and fists before forcing him to
    jump out of a second floor window. The border policemen allegedly burned the
    second Palestinian with a cigarette and forced him to drink urine. The
    policemen then allegedly threw the Palestinian's papers into a puddle of
    urine and ordered him to pick up his papers with his mouth and tongue. They
    then threw him out the same second story window. At year's end, further
    legal action remained pending.
    In February 2003, Israeli authorities arrested Daoud Dirawi, a Palestinian
    lawyer, for being in Jerusalem without proper identification. Dirawi told
    his lawyer that soldiers beat him severely on the way to the Asyun military
    prison in the Negev. In March 2003, Israel sentenced Dirawi to 6 months of
    administrative detention. He was released in August.
    Israeli soldiers on patrol in June 2003 allegedly attacked 20 Palestinian
    youths, who were trying to cross a dirt road near a military checkpoint
    north of Jerusalem. The soldiers allegedly beat the youths with their rifles
    and threw several of them in a sewage ditch before leaving the scene.
    In June 2003, Israeli Border Police in Tulkarm took the identity card of
    shepherd Nazih Salah 'Awad Damiri, 24, and forced him to mime sexual
    intercourse with his donkey.
    In November 2003, IDF soldiers at the Huwwara checkpoint outside Nablus
    demanded that two Palestinians stop and clean the checkpoint. When the men
    refused, the soldiers handcuffed, blindfolded, and detained them for several
    hours. When B'tselem investigated the incident, the soldiers admitted to the
    action and claimed their superiors had ordered them to do it. B'tselem has
    requested an official investigation of the incident; however, at year's end,
    there was no response to their request.
    PA prison conditions were poor. Facilities were old, dilapidated, and
    neglected. Most prison facilities were destroyed during the Intifada, and
    prisoners were kept informally in houses or other buildings. There were
    separate facilities to hold juvenile prisoners. Prison facilities were
    poorly protected and subject to intrusions by outsiders. The PA generally
    permitted the ICRC access to detainees and allowed regular inspections of
    prison conditions; however, the PA denied access to some detainees for 14
    days following their arrests. The PA permitted independent monitoring of its
    prisons, although human rights groups, humanitarian organizations, and
    lawyers reported difficulties arranging visits or gaining access to specific
    detainees. Human rights organizations stated that their ability to visit PA
    prisons and detention centers varied depending on which security
    organization controlled the facility. Human rights monitors stated that
    prison authorities did not consistently permit them to have access to PA
    detention facilities and that they rarely were permitted to see inmates
    while they were under interrogation.
    The conditions of Israeli permanent prison facilities generally met
    international standards. The standards were less likely to be met in
    provisional detention centers, because prison facilities refused to take new
    inmates when their maximum capacity was reached. The detention and
    interrogation facilities for Palestinian detainees, including the four
    interrogation centers (Shikma, Kishon, Petah Tikva, and the Jerusalem
    Internment Center) were austere, overcrowded, provisional facilities. Israel
    held at least 121 Palestinian prisoners in some form of solitary
    confinement. Israel permitted independent monitoring of prison conditions by
    the ICRC and other groups, although human rights groups reported delays and
    difficulties in gaining access to specific detainees. Male family members
    between 16 and 40 years of age, and any family members with security
    records, usually were barred from visiting relatives in Israeli facilities.
    According to the ICRC, between January and May, 3,517 detainees in Israel,
    Gaza, and the West Bank had visits from family members.
    The NGO, Palestinian Prisoners Club, had approximately 820 medical cases in
    Israeli prisons. During the year, approximately 57 cases required urgent
    medical attention. Following the August 18 hunger strike, Israeli
    authorities provided increased medical attention; however, prisoners
    continued to claim that it was inadequate. Several private doctors were
    authorized to visit prisoners.
    d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention
    The 2001 PA Criminal Procedures Law allows police to hold detainees without
    charges for 24 hours. Court approval is necessary for detention without
    charges for a maximum of 45 days. A trial must start within 6 months of
    arrest or the detainee must be released. In practice, however, many
    Palestinians were held in detention without charge for months.
    PA security forces detained persons without informing judicial authorities,
    and often ignored laws that protect the rights of detainees and court
    decisions calling for the release of alleged security criminals. At year's
    end, Palestinian sources estimated that between 250 and 300 suspected
    collaborators were held in PA prisons. Alleged collaborators often were held
    without presentation of evidence to a court and were denied access to
    lawyers, their families, or doctors.
    Under applicable occupation orders, Israeli security personnel may arrest
    without warrant or hold for questioning a person suspected of having
    committed or to be likely to commit a security related offense. Israeli
    Military Order 1507 permits the Israeli army to detain persons for 10 days,
    during which detainees are barred from seeing a lawyer or appearing before
    court. Administrative detention orders could be issued for up to 6-month
    periods and could be renewed indefinitely by judges. No detainee has ever
    successfully appealed a detention order. Israeli military Order 1369
    provides for a 7 year prison term for anyone who does not respond to a
    special summons in security cases. Suspects are entitled to an attorney, but
    this can be deferred during the interrogation phase, which sometimes lasts
    up to 90 days. Israeli authorities stated that they attempted to post
    notification of arrests within 48 hours, but senior officers may delay
    notification for up to 12 days. Additionally, a military commander may
    appeal to a judge to extend this period in security cases for an unlimited
    period, and many families reported serious problems in learning of the
    status and whereabouts of prisoners. Evidence used at hearings for
    administrative detentions in security cases was often unavailable to the
    detainee or his attorneys due to security classification.
    The Israeli Government maintained that it held no political prisoners, but
    Palestinians claimed that administrative detainees were political prisoners.
    At year's end, Israel held approximately 8,300 Palestinian security
    prisoners (up from 5,900 in 2003), of which at least 960 were in
    administrative detention.
    During the year, Israel did not conduct mass detentions in the West Bank as
    had been the case in the past; arrest operations were geared more toward
    specific persons. Israeli authorities intermittently issued special
    summonses for those suspected of involvement in or knowledge of security
    offenses.
    Palestinians transferred to prison facilities in Israel had difficulty
    obtaining legal representation because only Israeli citizens or Palestinian
    lawyers with Jerusalem identification cards were permitted to visit them.
    However, during the year, procedures were revised to permit more lawyers to
    have access to the prisons. Israeli authorities in some instances scheduled
    appointments, but they subsequently moved the clients to another prison to
    delay lawyer client meetings for as long as 90 days.
    The Government of Israel frequently failed to notify foreign consular
    officials in a timely manner when their citizens were detained.
    In contrast to past practice, during the year, Israel did not forcibly
    transfer Palestinians from the West Bank to the Gaza Strip. On August 27,
    Israel allowed Kifah Ajouri, a Fatah activist who was forcibly transferred
    to Gaza in 2002, to return to his home in Nablus. Mahmud Suleiman Sa'id
    al-Sa'di al-Saffouri was transferred to Gaza from Jenin in May 2003 and was
    required to remain in the Gaza Strip.
    Amnesty International (AI) noted that Muhammad Hassan Mustafa al-Najjar was
    administratively detained for the fourth consecutive time on May 20.
    Subsequently, AI reported that al-Najjar was released on June 20.
    e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
    The PA court system is based on legal codes that predate the 1967 Israeli
    occupation and Israeli military orders. A High Judicial Council (HJC)
    maintained authority over most court operations. State security courts were
    formally abolished in 2003. Military courts, established in 1995, have
    jurisdiction over police and security force personnel as well as crimes by
    civilians against security forces. The PA courts were inefficient, lacked
    staff and resources, and often did not ensure fair and expeditious trials.
    These problems predated PA jurisdiction, and were aggravated by lack of PA
    attention thereafter. The PA executive and security services frequently
    failed to carry out court decisions and otherwise inhibited judicial
    independence.
    The ongoing violence adversely affected the PA administration of justice.
    Operation Defensive Shield in 2002 damaged the Court of First Instance and
    Conciliation in Ramallah and the PA's main forensic lab. Many police
    stations and incarceration facilities were damaged or destroyed. Travel
    restrictions, curfews, and closures significantly impeded the administration
    of justice.
    Israeli law provides for an independent judiciary, and the Government
    generally respected this in practice. Palestinians accused of security
    offenses usually were tried in military courts. Security offenses are
    comprehensively defined and may include charges as varied as rock throwing
    or membership in outlawed terrorist organizations, such as Hamas or the
    PFLP. Military prosecutors brought charges. Serious charges were tried
    before three-judge panels; lesser offenses were tried before one judge. The
    Israeli military courts rarely acquitted Palestinians of security offenses,
    but sentences in some cases were reduced on appeal.
    Israeli military trials followed evidentiary rules that were the same as
    those in regular criminal cases. Convictions may not be based solely on
    confessions, although, in practice, some security prisoners were convicted
    on the basis of alleged coerced confessions of themselves and others. The
    prosecution must justify closing the proceedings to the public in security
    cases. The accused is entitled to counsel, and a judge may assign counsel.
    Charges are made available to the defendant and the public in Hebrew, and
    the court may order that the charges be translated into Arabic, if
    necessary. Defendants had the right to appeal through the Military High
    Court or to the Civilian High Court of Justice in certain instances. The
    court may hear secret evidence in security cases that is not available to
    the defendant or his attorney. However, a conviction may not be based solely
    on such evidence.
    Trials sometimes were delayed for very extended periods, because Israeli
    security force witnesses did not appear, the defendant was not brought to
    court, files were lost, or attorneys were delayed by travel restrictions
    (see Section 2.d.). Palestinian legal advocates alleged that these delays
    were designed to pressure defendants to settle their cases.
    On May 20, a Tel Aviv District Court convicted West Bank Fatah leader and
    Palestinian Legislative Council member, Marwan Barghuti, on three charges of
    murder and one charge of attempted murder involving terror attacks that
    resulted in the deaths of five Israelis. Barghuti was arrested in April 2002
    and initially was barred from seeing an attorney; however, he was allowed to
    retain and dismiss legal counsel during the course of his trial. The trial
    began in September 2002 and proceeded sporadically for more than 2 years.
    Barghuti rejected the Israeli court's jurisdiction, did not mount a legal
    defense, and did not appeal the five consecutive life sentences he received.
    In May 2003, the PA High Court of Justice ordered the release of Taysir Abu
    Meghasib and Mehdi Abu Seif from detention for lack of evidence on charges
    of collaborating with Israel. At year's end, it appeared that they had not
    been released.
    On October 16, a PA civil court in the Gaza Strip sentenced a Palestinian to
    death by hanging after finding him guilty of collaborating with Israel;
    however, by year's end, there had been no execution. Another three
    Palestinians convicted of the same charges received prison terms.
    On November 28, an Israeli military court delayed PLC member Husam Khader's
    trial until March 6, 2005. Khader was arrested in March 2003 for alleged
    involvement in Intifada-related violence, but his trial since has been
    delayed repeatedly.
    Crowded facilities, poor arrangements for scheduling and holding attorney
    client consultations, and confessions prepared in Hebrew hindered legal
    defense efforts.
    Israeli settlers were tried under Israeli law in the nearest Israeli
    district court. Civilian judges presided, and the standards of due process
    and admissibility of evidence were governed by the laws of Israel, not
    military orders. Settlers rarely were prosecuted for crimes against
    Palestinians and, in the rare instances in which they were convicted,
    regularly received lighter punishment than Palestinians convicted in Israeli
    courts (see Section 1.a.).
    f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence
    The PA required the Attorney General to issue warrants for entry and
    searches of private property; however, Palestinian security services
    frequently ignored these requirements. Police searched homes without the
    consent of their owners. In some cases, police forcibly entered premises.
    Under occupation orders, an officer of the rank of lieutenant colonel or
    above could authorize entry of private homes and institutions without a
    warrant, based upon military necessity. On some occasions IDF personnel beat
    occupants and destroyed or looted property. Authorities stated that these
    were punishable violations of military regulations, and compensation was
    due.
    Israeli security forces demolished and sealed the homes (owned or rented) of
    Palestinians suspected of terrorism or the relatives of such suspects,
    without judicial review (see Section 1.g.). During the year, according to
    B'tselem, Israeli forces demolished 181 housing units in the occupied
    territories (compared with 219 in 2003) as punishment for terror activity
    and deterrence against future attacks.
    On February 26, the IDF blew up the apartment of 'Itaf Abu Sha'ira in the
    al-Aida refugee camp near Bethlehem. Abu Sha'ira said that an IDF officer on
    the scene told her that the demolition was punishment for her husband
    Hassan's June 2001 killing of an IDF soldier. The IDF gave Abu Sha'ira and
    her family 10 minutes to remove items from her apartment prior to its
    destruction; the explosion also damaged other apartments in the building.
    On April 4, the IDF blew up the home of Fakhri 'Aarda from the Tulkarm
    refugee camp after one of his sons killed an Israeli and injured another in
    a northern West Bank settlement on April 3.
    Israel demolished many homes between the Rafah refugee camp and the border
    with Egypt, claiming that the houses concealed tunnels used for weapons
    smuggling or provided cover for attacks against Israeli soldiers. Between
    May 17 and 24, the IDF undertook "Operation Rainbow" to secure the
    neighborhoods along the Philadelphi road that divides the Gaza Strip from
    Egypt and eliminate "terrorists and wanted operatives." UNWRA and U.N.
    Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), judged that this
    operation destroyed 298 buildings, leaving 3,794 individuals homeless. Since
    2000, approximately 1,500 buildings in Rafah have been demolished by the
    IDF, making more than 15,000 Palestinians homeless.
    The IDF destroyed numerous citrus, olive, and date groves, and irrigation
    systems, stating that Palestinians had been shooting from those areas. The
    IDF also cleared and took control of land held by private Palestinians for
    construction of the separation barrier. B'tselem estimated that at least
    6,900 acres of land has been taken for construction of the separation
    barrier. According to OCHA, the separation barrier was approximately 123
    miles long and was projected to be more than 372 miles long.
    Human rights monitors reported that the IDF provided greater protection to
    Palestinian farmers than they did in the past. Still, Palestinians
    complained that the IDF measures gave insufficient time to complete the
    harvest, and that they were limited in their own ability to protect their
    property by curfews and travel restrictions.
    On November 17, approximately 70 Israeli settlers from the West Bank
    settlement of Itamar attacked Palestinian olive harvesters; Israeli security
    forces attempted to prevent disruption of the harvest.
    Between December 9 and 12, according to the daily Ha'aretz, Zufim settlers
    uprooted more than 217 olive and citrus trees at Jayyus.
    Israeli authorities generally did not prosecute settlers for acts of
    violence against Palestinians, and settlers rarely served prison sentences
    if convicted of a crime against a Palestinian. However, in August 2003,
    Israel arrested nine settlers for plotting an attack on a Palestinian school
    in East Jerusalem. Ultimately, during 2003, two were sentenced to 15-year
    terms, and one was sentenced to 12 years' imprisonment. The remaining six
    were released from custody for lack of evidence.
    g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in Internal and
    External Conflicts
    Palestinian members of Fatah, HAMAS, and PFLP attacked and killed civilians
    in Israel, Israeli settlers, foreign nationals, and soldiers. They used
    weapons designed to inflict casualties on noncombatants, such as suicide
    bombs, and fired area weapons such as rockets and mortars at their targets
    without regard for noncombatants. In addition, they often fired at Israeli
    security forces from civilian population areas, increasing the risk that
    Israeli return fire would harm noncombatants. The PA did not take sufficient
    steps to prevent terrorist attacks, enforce a ban on militant groups, or
    prevent such groups from seeking shelter in civilian areas. By year's end,
    some PA officials made statements questioning the utility of violence.
    During the presidential campaign, PA presidential candidate Abbas called the
    armed Intifada counterproductive to Palestinian interests.
    According to the PA Ministry of Health, the Palestine Red Crescent Society,
    and B'tselem, at least 800 Palestinians were killed during the course of
    Israeli military and police operations during the year. The PA Ministry of
    Health estimated that approximately half of those killed were noncombatants.
    B'tselem reported a figure of 452 innocent Palestinians killed this year.
    The IDF stated that the majority of Palestinians killed were armed fighters
    or persons engaged in planning or carrying out violence against Israeli
    civilian and military targets. According to the PRCS, IDF operations
    resulted in injuries to approximately 4,000 Palestinians.
    The IDF conducted numerous military incursions into Palestinian population
    centers, in response to Palestinian mortar and antitank fire. These actions
    often resulted in civilian casualties. Israeli forces fired tank shells,
    heavy machine-gun rounds, and rockets from aircraft at targets in
    residential and business neighborhoods where Palestinian gunfire was
    believed to have originated. Palestinians often used civilian homes to fire
    upon Israeli forces and booby-trapped civilian homes and apartment
    buildings. In response to these actions, the IDF usually raided, and often
    leveled, these buildings.
    During an IDF incursion into two refugee camps in the northern Gaza Strip on
    March 7, Israeli forces killed 10 Palestinian militants and 4 civilians,
    including 3 children, during fighting throughout the day.
    On May 17, Israel launched "Operation Rainbow" in Rafah in the Gaza Strip.
    According to the IDF, the operation was designed to destroy tunnels used for
    smuggling weapons into the Gaza Strip from Egypt. Over 40 Palestinians were
    killed during the operation, including civilians. (See Section 1.f.
    regarding housing destroyed in this operation.) Human Rights Watch (HRW)
    also reported that the IDF actions destroyed over 50 percent of Rafah's
    roads and elements of its water, sewage, and electrical systems.
    On May 18 in Rafah, two Palestinian children, 16-year-old Asma al-Mughayr
    and her 13-year-old brother, were shot in the head on the roof-terrace of
    their home while performing household chores. AI concluded that IDF snipers
    killed both; Israeli army officials suggested that they were killed by an
    explosive device set by Palestinians. At year's end, there was no
    information on any further official investigation.
    On July 6, IDF forces killed Dr. Khaled Salah, a Palestinian engineering
    professor at al-Najah University, and his teen-age son during a raid on
    their apartment building. IDF soldiers were seeking Palestinian militants in
    the building and, in the exchange of gunfire, also killed Salah and his son.
    On September 7, a girl sitting in a U.N.-flagged school was struck in the
    head by gunfire from an Israeli position in Gaza. At year's end, an IDF
    investigation was ongoing into the circumstances of the shooting.
    On September 19 in Nablus, during an exchange of gunfire between the IDF and
    militants, an 11-year-old Palestinian girl was shot and killed while
    standing in the doorway of her house. Palestinians claimed the IDF killed
    the girl, but the IDF stated that a preliminary investigation found that no
    IDF gunfire had been directed at the girl.
    On September 28, the IDF launched "Operation Days of Penitence" into the
    northern Gaza Strip in response to continued Qassam rocket fire into Israel
    that killed two Israeli children in the town of Sderot. The IDF attacked
    targets in Bayt Hanun and Jabaliyah refugee camp using tanks and helicopters
    during the 17-day operation. Human rights groups claimed that IDF security
    forces killed as many as 130 Palestinians and wounded over 430 during the
    operation, although the U.N. put the number of those killed at 107.
    According to B'tselem, among the Palestinians killed were approximately 50
    civilians, including at least 26 Palestinians under the age of 18. The IDF
    estimated that 19 civilians were killed.
    On October 5, IDF soldiers shot and killed Imam al-Hams, a 13-year-old
    Palestinian schoolgirl, as she approached an IDF outpost in the southern
    Gaza Strip. The girl approached the outpost carrying a bag that troops
    suspected contained explosives, but which later turned out to contain only
    schoolbooks. After the girl had been shot from a distance, the IDF company
    commander repeatedly fired his automatic weapon into her at close range. On
    November 22, after investigation including statements by soldiers under his
    command, an IDF military court indicted the company commander on two counts
    of illegal use of weapons, obstructing justice, unbecoming behavior, and
    improper use of authority. At year's end, the court martial remained
    ongoing.
    On October 7, IDF tank fire killed two boys 12 and 15 years of age while
    they were standing near their school.
    On October 8, a 10-year-old Palestinian girl was shot and killed by IDF
    gunfire in Bayt Hanun in the northern Gaza Strip as she stood on the street
    in front of her house.
    On October 12, Israeli military forces shot and killed an 11-year-old,
    Ghadir Mokheimer, as she stood outside her school in Khan Yunis refugee camp
    in Gaza. The IDF claimed that they returned fire after coming under rocket
    attack from militants using the school as cover.
    On October 4, the IDF severely damaged the Gaza City wastewater treatment
    plant resulting in $200,000 (872,000 NIS) worth of damage to the
    USAID-funded parts of the plant. An investigation is being conducted into
    the incident; however, the IDF stated that the plant was not intentionally
    targeted. According to USAID, the total repair and replacement costs for
    damage during the year to USAID-funded projects are estimated at $450,000
    (1.93 million NIS).
    On November 5, Israeli media reported that an IDF tank round killed two
    Palestinian children, ages 8 and 10 years old, when tank fire hit their home
    in the al-Qarrara district of Khan Yunis.
    On November 6, a 13-year-old Palestinian boy was shot and killed by IDF
    forces in Jenin. The IDF said the boy had thrown a firebomb at IDF soldiers.
    On November 18, IDF tank fire killed three Egyptian policemen at the border
    near Rafah. Reportedly, the IDF believed the police were Palestinians
    attempting to plant explosives. Subsequently, the Government apologized for
    the killings.
    IDF soldiers reportedly fired without warning on trespassers in or near
    restricted areas.
    On September 28, Israeli forces killed a mentally ill Palestinian man when
    he climbed a fence near an army outpost in Jenin. On another occasion in the
    Gaza Strip, Palestinian youths were killed when they approached the security
    fence. Soldiers said the boys were providing intelligence to militants;
    Palestinians maintained that the boys were hunting birds.
    During the year, according to Palestinian security and media reports, the
    IDF targeted for killing at least 25 Palestinians suspected of involvement
    in terrorism. IDF forces killed at least 18 bystanders--4 of whom were
    civilians and many of the remaining were affiliated with terrorist
    organizations and injured a number of others.
    On March 22, rockets from Israeli helicopters killed Sheikh Ahmad Yassin,
    the founder of the Islamic Resistance Movement (HAMAS), as he was leaving a
    mosque in the Gaza Strip. Two bodyguards and one of Yassin's sons-in-law
    also died in the attack, along with eight worshippers from the mosque.
    Fifteen bystanders were injured.
    On April 17, rockets from Israeli helicopters killed 'Abd al-Azziz
    al-Rantisi, a co-founder of Hamas and Yassin's replacement as its leader.
    Rantisi's bodyguards were killed during the attack. Eighteen other persons
    were wounded.
    On October 21, Israeli aircraft fired two missiles at a car killing Adnan
    al-Ghoul, a senior Hamas commander, and his assistant. Eight bystanders also
    were slightly wounded.
    Israeli security personnel operating checkpoints killed a number of
    Palestinians.
    There were no developments in the investigation into the circumstances
    surrounding the July 2003 death of 3-year-old Palestinian Mahmud Jawadat
    Sharif Kabaha, who was shot while sitting in his parents' car at the Barta'a
    checkpoint west of Jenin (see Sections 1.a. and 1.c.).
    During the year, Israeli forces delayed the movement of, and occasionally
    fired upon, medical personnel and ambulances. Israel has presented video
    evidence of armed Palestinians running from a building and entering an
    ambulance and of an ambulance crew that picked up an injured Palestinian,
    retrieved his weapon, and put it inside the ambulance before driving away.
    The U.N. maintained that the ambulance crews acted under duress. The Israeli
    Government acknowledged that an accusation that an ambulance crew had
    transported a Qassam rocket was in error.
    On January 11, according to PRCS allegations, Israeli soldiers manning a
    checkpoint in the West Bank beat an ambulance driver and medic as they
    transferred patients from Nablus to Ramallah hospital.
    On June 13, according to PRCS, an ambulance attempted to evacuate protesters
    injured during an antiseparation barrier demonstration. Israeli security
    personnel allegedly fired gunshots and tear gas at the ambulance.
    The IDF abuse of Palestinians or their vehicles at checkpoints continued,
    but at a more reduced level than during 2002-03. Qahira Muhsen, age 41, from
    the village of al-Funduq, alleged that four Israeli Border Police in the
    vicinity of the Jajuliya checkpoint punched, kicked, and cursed him.
    In April, a young Palestinian woman from Bethlehem told Machsom Watch, an
    Israeli women's rights organization, that she witnessed IDF soldiers at the
    "Container" checkpoint, southeast of Jerusalem, hit her father with
    truncheons as he sat in his car as well as abusing other drivers.
    Palestinians frequently threw stones, Molotov cocktails, and on occasion
    fired live ammunition at Israeli security forces. Israeli security forces on
    various occasions responded with tear gas, rubber bullets, and live fire,
    including tank fire.
    On May 19, at least 10 Palestinians were killed and more than 50 wounded
    when tank shells exploded near demonstrators in the Rafah refugee camp. IDF
    officials claimed that the tank had fired warning shots, and denied firing
    into the crowd. The IDF claimed that gunmen were in the crowd. This claim
    was disputed by Palestinians, and there was no evidence to substantiate the
    IDF charge. The IDF released a statement that expressed deep sorrow and
    regret over the loss of civilian lives.
    On November 15, according to witnesses, Israeli border police entered Saint
    Vincent's Monastery in Bethany and seriously wounded an unarmed 15-year-old
    boy when his group, holding a mourning demonstration for Arafat, did not
    disperse as police requested.
    Israeli forces used Palestinians as "human shields" in violation of
    applicable Israeli law. In 2002, the Israeli High Court of Justice granted
    an injunction against the use of Palestinians as "shields" for Israeli
    forces. The IDF admitted violations of existing procedures and reiterated
    that IDF forces "are absolutely forbidden to use civilians of any kind as a
    means of 'living shield' against gunfire or attack by the Palestinian side,
    or as 'hostages.'" However, IDF soldiers were permitted to seek consensual
    assistance of civilians in operations. Human rights groups asserted that
    Palestinians who consented often did so out of fear even if they were not
    coerced. Such Palestinians face the risk of being branded as collaborators.
    On January 12, IDF soldiers used Ahamd Assaf to enter and search homes in
    the Tulkarm refugee camp and fired gunshots into the homes as Assaf searched
    them. Another Tulkarm refugee camp resident, Ahmad Ganem, claimed that
    Israeli soldiers made him search homes in the camp.
    In April, Adalah, an Israeli-Arab human rights organization, asked the
    Israeli High Court to issue an injunction against the IDF seeking the
    assistance of Palestinians, without exception. On September 5, the President
    of the Court urged the IDF to forego use of the procedure, citing the Fourth
    Geneva Convention. The High Court announced that it would give its decision
    at a later date.
    According to B'tselem, there have been 90 Military Police investigations
    since September 2000 relating to Palestinians killed and injured during the
    Intifada, resulting in the filing of 29 indictments. B'tselem reported that
    one soldier was convicted for causing the death of a Palestinian.
    B'tselem and the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) petitioned
    the High Court in September 2003 to open military investigations into all
    cases where IDF soldiers killed Palestinians who had not engaged in
    hostilities. At year's end, the High Court had not ruled on the petition.
    Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
    a. Freedom of Speech and Press
    The PA restricted freedom of speech and freedom of the press. During the
    year, the PA limited free expression, particularly regarding human rights
    and alleged security issues. PA security services banned publications or
    broadcasts and periodically harassed or detained members of the media.
    Palestinian commentators and human rights groups stated that, as a result,
    journalists practiced self-censorship. In addition, armed extremist groups
    attacked journalists.
    There were three Palestinian dailies and several Palestinian weekly
    newspapers. There also were several monthly magazines and three tabloids.
    The PA operated two television stations and one radio station. There were
    approximately 30 independently owned television stations and approximately 9
    radio stations. According to an October study published by the Palestinian
    Central Bureau of Statistics, approximately 33 percent of Palestinians in
    the occupied territories had access to the Internet.
    The Israeli occupation authorities limited speech. In East Jerusalem, the
    display of Palestinian political symbols, such as flags, national colors,
    and graffiti, was prohibited and punishable by fines or imprisonment, as
    were public expressions of anti-Israeli sentiment and of support for Islamic
    extremist groups. Israeli authorities censored press coverage of the
    Intifada and reviewed Arabic publications for material related to public
    order and security issues. Closures and curfews limited the ability of
    Palestinian journalists to do their jobs.
    On January 8, journalist Saifeddin Shahin was beaten by five armed men after
    his car was stopped. The attackers claimed to be from the Fatah movement and
    threatened reprisals if he continued to write about Fatah. PA police
    arrested one of the attackers; however, at year's end, there had been no
    further legal action.
    On March 22, Mohammad Abu Halima, a correspondent for the al-Najah
    University-affiliated radio station, was killed by IDF gunfire as he
    reported on clashes in the Balata refugee camp in Nablus, according to the
    Committee to Protect Journalists. An IDF spokesperson said that Abu Halima
    had opened fire. At year's end, there was no report of any Israeli
    investigation of the circumstances of the killing.
    During the year, Israeli gunfire killed a journalist, and at least 11 other
    journalists sustained injuries during clashes between IDF soldiers and
    Palestinians in the occupied territories. Israeli soldiers beat journalists
    on several occasions, detained others, and confiscated their press cards.
    On September 27, Riad Ali, a Cable News Network journalist, was abducted by
    a group of armed Palestinian men. Ali, an Israeli citizen from the Druze
    community, was released 36 hours after his abduction. There were no claims
    of responsibility for the kidnapping.
    In March 2003, PA police in Gaza City shut the Palestinian newspaper,
    al-Risalah, a weekly publication of the Islamic National Salvation Party
    (Khalas). The paper returned to publication during the year.
    On April 2, Ammar Awad was covering clashes between Israeli police and
    Palestinian demonstrators in Jerusalem. The policemen destroyed the
    journalist's cameras.
    On April 24, an IDF soldier shot journalist Ali Samoudi in the nose as he
    was covering an Israeli army incursion into Jenin. Samoudi, who was wearing
    a "press" sign, alleged that the soldier intentionally fired at him.
    James Miller was killed by the IDF in May 2003 while filming a documentary
    in Gaza City. After repeated requests from his family and from foreign
    diplomatic representatives, the IDF Military Attorney General (MAG) ordered
    an investigation into the incident. At year's end, the NGO B'tselem had no
    information regarding the status of the investigation.
    In April 2003, an IDF soldier killed Nazeeh Darwaza while he was filming a
    wounded child during an IDF incursion in Nablus. On June 16, B'tselem was
    informed that the MAG was investigating the case. At year's end, there was
    no further information.
    On December 27, Israeli police detained PA presidential candidate Mustafa
    Barghuti for several hours after he attempted to campaign in Jerusalem.
    Barghuti lacked a permit to enter Jerusalem (see Sections 2.d. and 3).
    The PA had authority over all levels of education. During the year, the PA
    did not interfere with education, but academic institutions were adversely
    affected by the violence.
    On November 27, Yaser al-Madhoun, a Palestinian professor at al-Azhar
    University in Gaza City, was killed when a remote control bomb exploded in
    his office; another Palestinian was injured. At year's end, PA police
    continued the investigation.
    Israeli closures, curfews and the separation barrier restricted access to
    Palestinian academic institutions. In some instances, Israeli authorities
    shut universities entirely. Israeli shelling and gunfire during military
    operations damaged a number of schools and, in some cases, killed
    schoolchildren (see Section 1.g.).
    In 2003, Israeli authorities closed the Hebron University and the Hebron
    Polytechnic School, which served 5,000 students. The schools reopened during
    the year.
    According to UNICEF, years of conflict damaged 300 schools and, in 2003, 580
    schools were periodically forced to close.
    The PA Ministry of Education claimed that, since 2001, the IDF had converted
    three schools in Hebron into military barracks.
    Physical damage to schools and universities was calculated at more than $10
    million (43 million NIS).
    b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
    The PA imposed some formal limits on freedom of assembly; however, while it
    required permits for rallies, demonstrations, and large cultural events,
    these permits rarely were denied. In Gaza, police approval was required for
    political meetings at specific meeting halls and for buses to transport
    passengers to attend political meetings. The PA prohibited calls for
    violence, displays of arms, and racist slogans, although these provisions
    were rarely enforced. The PA placed some limits on freedom of association;
    however, charitable, community, professional, and self-help organizations
    were able to operate.
    Israeli military orders banned public gatherings of 10 or more persons
    without a permit; however, Palestinians were able to ignore this order
    without punishment.
    Israeli security forces used force against Palestinians involved in
    demonstrations (see Section 1.c.). The Israeli and Palestinian authorities
    disputed whether Palestinians attacked security forces during such
    demonstrations. In 2001, the IDF authorized the use of gunfire in some
    rock-throwing situations.
    On February 26, Israeli security forces used tear gas, rubber bullets, and
    live ammunition, reportedly after demonstrators began throwing stones at
    Israeli forces during an antiseparation barrier demonstration Biddu village.
    Two persons were killed and approximately 70 persons sustained injuries.
    Orient House, the preeminent Palestinian political institution in Jerusalem,
    was shut by Israeli forces in 2001 and remained closed throughout the year.
    In 2002-03, Israel closed the Arab Graduates Club, frequented by Fatah
    activists, the Multi-Sectoral Review Project, the Land Research Center, the
    East Jerusalem offices of the Federation of Palestinian Chambers of
    Commerce, and the Jerusalem Cultural Association and the Union of Sports
    Clubs. Israeli authorities claimed that these institutions were operating
    under PA supervision in violation of signed agreements. At year's end, these
    organizations remained closed.
    c. Freedom of Religion
    The PA has no law that specifically protects religious freedom, but
    religious freedom was respected in practice. Islam is the official religion
    of the PA. Religion must be declared on identification papers, and personal
    status legal matters must be handled in ecclesiastical courts. The PA's
    Ministry of Waqf and Religious Affairs paid for the construction and
    maintenance of mosques and the salaries of imams. Christian clergymen and
    charitable organizations received limited financial support. The PA did not
    provide financial support to any Jewish institutions or holy sites in the
    occupied territories; these areas were generally under Israeli control.
    During the year, there were no reports of violence against or vandalism of
    Jewish institutions in the occupied territories.
    The PA required that religion be taught in PA schools. The PA provided
    separate religious instruction for Muslim and Christian students.
    Media frequently published and broadcast material about the occupation that
    included anti-Semitic content. The rhetoric used by Palestinian terrorist
    groups included expressions of anti-Semitism. Muslim religious leaders and
    the PA television station engaged in expressions of anti-Semitism. On the
    positive side, in a December 3 sermon broadcast on PA Television, preacher
    Muhammad Jammal Abu Hunud called for the development of a modern Islamic
    discourse, to recognize the "other," to treat him with tolerance, and to
    avoid extremism and violence.
    Israeli authorities generally respected religious freedom and permitted all
    faiths to operate schools and institutions. However, internal and external
    closures prevented tens of thousands of Palestinians from reaching their
    places of worship in Jerusalem and the West Bank, including during religious
    holidays. Citing security reasons, Israel prevented most male Muslim
    worshippers under the age of 45 from attending Friday prayers inside the
    Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount, the third holiest site in Islam and the
    holiest site in Judaism. Most West Bank residents and virtually all Gaza
    residents were restricted from entering Jerusalem during Ramadan.
    In August 2003, Israeli police began escorting tourists to the Haram
    al-Sharif/Temple Mount to reassert the right of non-Muslims to visit the
    shrine.
    For a more detailed discussion, see the 2004 International Religious Freedom
    Report.
    d. Freedom of Movement Within the Occupied Territories, Foreign Travel,
    Emigration, and Repatriation
    The PA generally did not restrict freedom of movement. The Israeli
    occupation authorities, citing military necessity, often tightly restricted
    the movement of Palestinians in response to changing security conditions.
    During periods of unrest (in the aftermath of terrorist attacks or during
    military exercises), travel between some or all towns within the territories
    was prohibited. Such "internal closures" were supplemented, during periods
    of potential unrest and during major Israeli and Muslim holidays, by
    "comprehensive, external closures," which precluded Palestinians from
    leaving the territories. During the year, there were no extended blanket
    closures, although several Gaza crossing points were simultaneously closed
    for extended periods, completely closing off the Gaza Strip. Since 1993,
    Palestinians were able to enter East Jerusalem only with a travel permit
    issued by Israeli authorities. The Israeli authorities also imposed curfews
    in some areas, which confined Palestinians to their homes for all but a few
    hours per week. During the year, there were fewer curfews than in 2003.
    The PA issued passports for Palestinian residents of the West Bank and Gaza.
    Because there are no commercial flights from the territories, travelers must
    depart via land crossings into Israel, Jordan or Egypt. Even prior to the
    Intifada, it was difficult for Palestinians to obtain permits to visit
    Israel. While transit passes for travelers using Ben Gurion airport exist,
    they are not widely available. Vehicles originating in the territories are
    often not permitted entry into Israel or Jerusalem. Palestinians were
    prohibited from using the Sheikh Hussein or Arava crossings. As a result,
    most Palestinians traveling abroad could exit and enter only via the Allenby
    Bridge or Rafah crossing points.
    Between April 16 and September 18, the IDF prevented Palestinian males
    between the ages of 16 and 35 from exiting Gaza through the Rafah terminal.
    On July 18 the terminal was closed completely, leaving approximately 2,500
    Palestinians on the Egyptian side for more than 2 weeks. The IDF was
    searching for a tunnel in the vicinity, but failed to locate it. On December
    12, a terrorist attack extensively damaged the terminal and killed five
    Israeli soldiers. At year's end, the terminal remained closed.
    Palestinians with Jerusalem identification cards, issued by the Israeli
    Government, needed special documents to travel abroad. Upon request, the
    Jordanian Government also issued travel documents to Palestinians in the
    West Bank and East Jerusalem. Palestinians who wish to travel to Jordan must
    leave their Israeli identification documents with Israeli authorities at the
    Allenby Bridge. Bridge-crossing permits to Jordan were available at post
    offices without a screening process.
    The external and internal closures contributed to increased unemployment and
    poverty in the occupied territories. Approximately 146,000 West Bank and
    Gaza workers, representing roughly 25 percent of the Palestinian work force,
    depended on day jobs in Israel, Israeli settlements, and Jerusalem. The
    closures impeded Palestinians from reaching jobs or markets in the occupied
    territories and disrupted internal and external trade. The unemployment rate
    was estimated at 31 percent at year's end. The economic dependency ratio
    (total population divided by employed persons) increased during the year.
    The percentage of employees whose monthly wages fell below the poverty line
    increased from 43.5 percent in the third quarter 2000 to 56.8 percent at
    year's end.
    For the approximately 200,000 Palestinians who lived in rural villages
    without the full range of urban services--such as medical care, education,
    or potable water-the closures were a particular hardship.
    Apart from closures, delays at checkpoints and roadblocks affected all
    aspects of life, particularly emergency health care. According to OCHA, in
    the West Bank there were 61 fully manned checkpoints, 6 occasionally manned
    checkpoints, 374 earthen mounds blocking roads, 102 cement roadblocks, 48
    road gates, and 51 gates along the separation barrier. The Israeli
    authorities' figures show 47 checkpoints and 130 roadblocks in the West Bank
    as of December. (OCHA and Israeli Government statistics are based on
    different methodology.) Although ambulance response times improved during
    the year as the Israeli authorities provided additional permits, many
    problems remained, including difficulties for ambulances attempting to reach
    villages in remote areas of the West Bank.
    In January, villagers from Jayyus were unable to exit the village to tend
    fields or graze sheep.
    On March 10, the IDF delayed a car containing an ill 10-month-old for 3
    hours at a roadblock near Khan Yunis in the Gaza Strip. The baby died.
    On April 30, Mohammad Dagaghmah, a shepherd from Hebron who claimed to have
    a valid permit, was not permitted to pass a checkpoint for 2 days, although
    his sheep were allowed to pass.
    According to B'tselem, on June 15, taxi driver Fuad al-Jaiyusi reported that
    IDF soldiers refused to let him and four other drivers cross the Jit
    checkpoint, contending that al-Jaiyusi did not have the proper permit, and
    impounded his vehicle for 4 days.
    On July 10, Israeli soldiers delayed at the Allenby Bridge gates for
    approximately 2 hours a PRCS ambulance carrying a cancer patient in critical
    condition to a local Palestinian hospital. During a search of the ambulance
    by Israeli security personnel, the patient's condition deteriorated, but
    PRCS medics were not permitted to intervene. The patient was dead on
    arrival.
    On July 20, Abdel Latif Emlaitat died of a heart attack at a roadblock near
    the village of Bayt Furik. According to his family, Emlaitat suffered severe
    chest pain and was trying to reach the hospital in Nablus. Israeli soldiers
    stopped the car when it attempted to leave the village for approximately 2
    hours.
    On December 23, at the Erez Crossing into Israel from Gaza city, only 5 of
    25 medical cases that had permits to enter were allowed to cross into
    Israel. Those unable to enter were directed to leave and reapply to enter on
    another day.
    The Israeli Government continued construction of a security barrier along
    parts of the Green Line (the 1949 Armistice line) and in the West Bank. The
    PA alleged that the routing of the barrier resulted in the taking of land,
    isolating residents from hospitals, schools, social services, and
    agricultural property. Israel asserts that it has sought to build the
    barrier on public lands where possible, and where private land was used,
    provided opportunities for compensation. Palestinians filed a number of
    cases with the Israeli Supreme Court challenging the routing of the barrier.
    In June, the Court ruled that a section of the barrier must be rerouted;
    determining that the injury caused by the routing of the barrier did not
    stand in proper proportion to the security benefits; various portions of the
    barrier route were rerouted. On July 9, the International Court of Justice
    issued an advisory opinion, concluding that "The construction of the wall
    built by Israel, the occupying Power, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory,
    including in and around East Jerusalem. and its associated regime, are
    contrary to international law."
    At the end of the year, the barrier divided approximately 157,800 acres with
    a population of 93,200 from the rest of the West Bank. According to OCHA,
    Palestinians have been impeded from reaching their land to harvest crops and
    graze animals. Residents' access to schools, medical care and other services
    was also impeded. In October 2003, Israeli military orders required
    Palestinians residing in "seam zones" between the separation barrier and the
    Green Line (approximately 5,000 of the 93,200 mentioned above) to obtain
    residency permits to remain in these areas.
    Israel offered East Jerusalem residents citizenship following Israel's
    occupation of Jerusalem in 1967. Most have chosen not to accept Israeli
    citizenship, but instead have sought a residence permit or Jerusalem
    identification card. Under the 1952 Law of Permanent Residency, such
    residents risk loss of status if their ties with Jerusalem lapse, although
    human rights groups report that such revocations have been infrequent. On
    July 8, an Israeli ministerial committee reportedly adopted an unpublished
    resolution calling for the application of the 1950 Absentee Property Law to
    East Jerusalem; however, the resolution does not appear to have been acted
    upon or implemented by year's end.
    Residency restrictions affected family reunification. Palestinians who were
    abroad during the 1967 War, or who subsequently lost their residence
    permits, were not permitted to reside permanently with their families in the
    occupied territories. Foreign-born spouses and children of Palestinian
    residents experienced difficulty in obtaining residency. Palestinian spouses
    of Jerusalem residents must obtain a permit to reside there. Palestinians
    reported delays of several years or more before spouses were granted
    residency permits. The Government of Israel occasionally issued
    limited-duration permits, but renewing the permits could take up to 8
    months, which resulted in many Palestinians falling out of status.
    Palestinians also reported extensive delays in registering newborn children
    with Israeli authorities.
    Neither the Israeli Government nor the PA used forced exile or forcibly
    deported anyone from the occupied territories during the year.
    Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change
    Their Government
    Following the death of PA Chairman Yasir Arafat on November 11, an election
    for PA president was scheduled for January 9, 2005. Seven candidates
    competed in a vigorous election campaign throughout the occupied
    territories. The Government of Israel and the PA agreed to follow the 1996
    parameters for voting in East Jerusalem.
    On December 23, the PA held municipal elections in 26 West Bank localities
    for the first time since 1976. Further elections were scheduled for Gaza on
    January 27, 2005, and for other municipalities in the spring and summer of
    2005. Domestic and international election observers found the December 23
    elections met democratic standards, while noting several technical and
    procedural problems.
    The 88-member Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) and Chairman of the
    Executive Authority were elected in 1996 in a process that international
    observers concluded generally met democratic standards, despite some
    irregularities.
    On September 27, the Palestinian cabinet adopted a 1-year reform action
    plan, approved by the council, that was designed to create a more equal
    balance of power between the executive and the council and more
    accountability and transparency in governance.
    In September and October, the independent Central Elections Commission
    conducted voter registration. The registration process went smoothly except
    in East Jerusalem, where Israeli police closed registration centers, and in
    some parts of Gaza, where IDF operations disrupted the process. The register
    was used in the December 23 municipal elections and will be used in
    elections scheduled for 2005. Following the closure of registration centers
    in East Jerusalem, very few Palestinian residents of the city attempted to
    register elsewhere, though they were eligible to do so.
    While Palestinians with residency permits were eligible to vote in Jerusalem
    municipal elections, most did not recognize the jurisdiction of the Israeli
    municipality of Jerusalem and did not participate. There were no Palestinian
    residents of Jerusalem on the city council.
    There was a widespread public perception of corruption within the PA,
    notably within the security forces. There were calls for reform from many
    social and political elements, especially during the summer.
    The law requires official PA institutions to "facilitate" the acquisition of
    requested documents or information to any Palestinian; however, the law does
    not require any PA agency to provide such information. Many Palestinians
    cited the law when seeking to acquire information from the PA; however, no
    cases have come before the PA courts. NGOs were seeking to amend the law to
    make it mandatory to provide information to Palestinians.
    During the year, there were 5 women on the 88-member Council, and 2 women
    served in Ministerial-level positions.
    Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental
    Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
    Local Palestinian human rights groups and several international
    organizations monitored the PA's human rights practices. By the end of 2003,
    the PA had issued registration certificates for 150 of the approximately 350
    new and existing NGOs that submitted applications under the 2000 NGO law.
    During the year, an additional 74 such certificates were granted; others
    still were being processed at year's end.
    PA officials usually met with NGO representatives. Public criticism from
    these groups has been somewhat less forthcoming since the outbreak of the
    Intifada, with several NGOs voluntarily deciding to defer criticism of the
    PA's human rights performance. Observers noted that documentation of abuses
    was very limited.
    On March 2, Khalil al-Zaban, a journalist and advisor to PA Chairman Arafat
    on human rights and the media, was shot and killed in Gaza City. Al-Zaban
    headed the PA's government-appointed NGO Council and published its monthly
    newsletter. Al-Zaban was noted both for open criticism of Islamic militancy
    and aggressive attacks on those critical of the PA, particularly on human
    rights. At year's end, neither the perpetrators nor their motives had been
    identified.
    Some PA security organizations, including the General Intelligence Service
    in the West Bank and the police, appointed officials to act as liaisons with
    human rights groups. These officers met with human rights organizations and
    members of the diplomatic community to discuss human rights cases.
    The ICRC and human rights groups, such as the Palestinian Independent
    Commission for Citizens' Rights and the Mandela Institute, regularly visited
    PA prisons and detention centers. During the year, some groups reported that
    they occasionally encountered delays in obtaining access to detainees in
    Palestinian prisons. PA officials reportedly were less responsive to queries
    regarding the PA's policies toward and treatment of collaborators than to
    queries on other detainees (see Sections 1.c. and 1.d.).
    Israeli, Palestinian, and international humanitarian and human rights NGOs
    monitored the Israeli Government's practices in the occupied territories.
    The Israeli Government permitted human rights groups to publish and hold
    press conferences, and provided the ICRC and other groups with access to
    detainees (see Section 1.c.). Some of these organizations were critical of
    the Israeli Government's practices and cooperation. In many cases, human
    rights groups refused to apply to Israeli authorities for special travel
    permits in order to protest Israel's regulation of their activities. During
    the year, human rights groups reported that Israeli closures impeded and, at
    times, completely prevented their work.
    On January 13, Thomas Hurndall, 22, a British activist with the
    International Solidarity Movement, died as a result of injuries sustained in
    April 2003 when an IDF soldier shot him as he attempted to move Palestinian
    children to safety during clashes in Rafah. At year's end, the court-martial
    of the IDF soldier charged with manslaughter was still pending.
    In May 2003, Israel began requiring foreigners entering the Gaza Strip to
    sign a waiver providing that "the Government of the State of Israel and its
    organs cannot be held responsible for death, injury and/or damage/loss of
    property which may be incurred as a result of military activity."
    In May 2003, then-Israeli Minister of Foreign Affairs Silvan Shalom said,
    "Most human rights offices in the West Bank and Gaza Strip provide shelter
    for Palestinian terrorists."
    In September, a settler confronted two members of the Temporary
    International Presence in Hebron (TIPH), an NGO that monitored relations
    between Israeli and Palestinian security forces, Palestinian civilians, and
    settlers in the city, and attempted to run over one of the TIPH staff. IDF
    soldiers refused to intervene, allegedly told the TIPH members to leave, and
    blamed them for the incident.
    On September 29, unidentified assailants suspected of belonging to the Maon
    settlement in the South Hebron Hills attacked and robbed two U.S. citizen
    members of the Christian Peacemakers Teams (CPT) as they escorted
    Palestinian children to school. One sustained internal injuries, including a
    punctured lung, and the other a broken arm. Settler officials denied any
    knowledge of the attack. At year's end, the assailants had not been
    apprehended.
    On October 9, members of the CPT, AI, and an Italian NGO ("Operation Dove")
    were escorting Palestinian children from the village of Tuwani to a school
    in the village of Tabban southeast of Hebron. As they were walking by the
    settlement of Maon, settlers wearing masks and shouting obscenities in
    Hebrew attacked the escorts with baseball bats, seriously injuring an
    Italian volunteer. At year's end, the assailants had not been apprehended.
    The U.N. Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) and other groups reported continued
    delays in transporting goods to Palestinian refugees in the occupied
    territories. During Operation Days of Penitence in September and October,
    the IDF restricted entrance into the Gaza Strip, preventing humanitarian
    agencies such as UNRWA from delivering food and providing assistance.
    In October, UNRWA claimed that 24 of its staffers were detained by the IDF
    and that it was not notified. An Israeli official stated the number detained
    was not 24, but said that other UNRWA staff members were under indictment.
    Physicians for Human Rights, which offered weekly "mobile clinics" in
    Palestinian villages, has been denied access to Gaza for 3 years and has
    only limited access to the West Bank.
    On March 16, 2003, an Israeli bulldozer clearing land in Rafah in the Gaza
    Strip crushed and killed Rachel Corrie, 23, a U.S. citizen peace activist.
    Corrie was standing in front of the bulldozer and was wearing a reflective
    vest. Eyewitness demonstrators stated that they believe the driver knew
    Corrie was in front of the bulldozer as he proceeded forward. IDF
    investigations concluded that the operator was not negligent. U.S. officials
    who have seen the IDF report found inconsistencies among the statements of
    the people involved in the accident and other witnesses. The Corrie family
    believes that the investigation was not thorough, credible, and transparent
    and continued to pursue the case. In conjunction with the report of the IDF
    Judge Advocate General, the IDF implemented two remedial procedures for
    improved safety: The presence of more senior officers to oversee such
    operations and the designation of closed military zones with orders
    forbidding the presence of civilians in areas when IDF military operations
    are concluded.
    On April 7, 2003, gunfire from an undetermined source struck 24-year-old
    U.S. citizen Brian Avery in Jenin. The IDF denied responsibility for the
    incident. Avery, an activist with the International Solidarity Movement, was
    walking outside during curfew in the city when an IDF armored personnel
    carrier approached him. Avery was shot in the face and required considerable
    surgery and extended hospitalization. In December, a lawyer petitioned the
    Supreme Court to require Israel military authorities to investigate his
    shooting. According to B'tselem, the IDF had reportedly conducted an
    internal investigation and concluded that it was impossible to determine
    whether Avery was hit by IDF or Palestinian gunfire. At year's end, the
    Israeli High Court had not delivered its decision in the case.
    On December 26, 2003, Israeli security forces fired at demonstrators
    attempting to penetrate the separation barrier built near the town of
    Qalqilya. The gunfire wounded a 25-year-old U.S. citizen and seriously
    wounded Israeli citizen Gil Na'amati in both legs. The IDF internal inquiry
    concluded that the soldiers involved had not violated the open-fire
    regulations. On November 27, the Military Attorney General (MAG) decided
    that no criminal charges would be brought. However, the MAG recommended a
    reprimand for the regional brigade commander and further recommended that
    the commander of the Engineers Corps unit that was involved, his second in
    command, and two other soldiers be brought to a disciplinary hearing.
    At year's end, the Government of Israel continued to withhold information
    regarding the documents and property taken during the 2001 seizure of Orient
    House (see Section 2.b.).
    Section 5 Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons
    Women
    PA law does not explicitly prohibit domestic violence, but assault and
    battery are crimes. There were reports indicating that Palestinian domestic
    violence increased since 2000.
    So-called honor crimes occurred infrequently, according to human rights
    groups. Public discussion of the issue gained greater attention due to a
    significant effort by Palestinian women's groups. The crimes almost
    exclusively involved alleged sexual interactions of female family members
    with men who were not their husbands. Women's shelters were not accepted
    culturally. There was no reliable data on the incidence of violence against
    women.
    Rape is illegal, but spousal rape is not.
    Palestinian women endured social prejudice and repression. Some girls,
    especially in rural areas, did not finish mandatory schooling because
    prospective husbands did not approve. Education and cultural restrictions
    occasionally prevented women from attending college. Muslim and Christian
    women who married outside of their faith often were disowned and sometimes
    harassed. Local officials sometimes advised such women to leave their
    communities to protect themselves.
    Before 2000, a growing number of women worked outside the home, where they
    often encountered discrimination and, occasionally, sexual harassment. There
    were no special laws on women's rights in the workplace. Women were
    underrepresented in most aspects of professional life, although a small
    group of women were prominent in politics, medicine, law, teaching, and
    NGOs.
    For Muslims, personal status law is derived from Shari'a (Islamic law).
    Ecclesiastical courts rule on personal status issues for Christians. Shari'a
    pertaining to women is part of the Jordanian Status Law of 1976, which
    includes inheritance and marriage laws. Women in most cases are not entitled
    to inheritance. Men may take more than one wife, although few did so. Women
    may make "stipulations" in the marriage contract to protect them in the
    event of divorce and on questions of child custody; however, only an
    estimated 1 percent of women took advantage of this provision.
    Ecclesiastical courts also often favored men over women in divorce and child
    custody cases.
    Children
    The PA provides for compulsory education through the ninth grade. However,
    girls who married before the ninth grade left at the behest of husbands and,
    in rural areas and refugee camps, boys left school to help support their
    families.
    Internal closures, checkpoints, and the separation barrier significantly
    impeded the ability of both students and teachers to reach educational
    facilities (see Sections 2.a. and 2.d.).
    In areas under curfew, all classes were cancelled. UNRWA reported that more
    than 35,000 teacher workdays were lost in the 2002-03 academic year.
    Enrollment of students from Gaza at Birzeit University in the West Bank
    declined from 370 in 2000 to 39 at year's end.
    Education and health care professionals judged that the violence produced
    lack of focus, nightmares, incontinence, and other behavioral problems.
    UNRWA reported that elementary school exam pass rates in Arabic,
    mathematics, and science declined dramatically between 2000-01 and 2003-04.
    OCHA reported that during the past 3 years, Palestinian universities lost
    approximately $4.85 million (20.8 million NIS) worth of infrastructure.
    During the year, university dropout rates increased by 7 percent, in part,
    because families were unable to pay the fees.
    The PA Ministry of Health provided for children's immunizations. The PA
    insurance program provided basic medical care for children, for a small
    monthly fee. The latest available figures showed a slight improvement in
    nutrition levels from 2003. In 2003, 3.4 percent of Palestinian children
    suffered from acute malnutrition and 10.7 percent suffered from chronic
    malnutrition. The prevalence of anemia varied between the West Bank (17.4
    percent) and the Gaza Strip (31.2 percent).
    Child abuse was not a widespread problem. The law does not explicitly
    prohibit child abuse, but does sanction parents who failed to protect
    children from abuse. PA courts may protect children in "difficult
    situations," including cases of neglect or abuse. The Ministry of Social
    Affairs may ask a court to intervene to place a child in an official
    protective institution or with an alternate family.
    The law provides that no one under 14 can work. Those between 15 and 18 can
    be employed under limited conditions (see Section 6.d.). There was no
    juvenile court system, but certain judges specialized in juvenile cases.
    Palestinians in East Jerusalem received municipal services inferior to those
    available in other parts of Jerusalem. In 2001, the Israeli High Court
    ordered the construction of new infant care clinics in East Jerusalem. The
    Association for Civil Rights in Israel stated that six centers now existed
    in East Jerusalem and the surrounding areas and that there was sufficient
    coverage for the local East Jerusalem population. East Jerusalem schools
    remained under-funded and overcrowded, and many students were denied
    enrollment due to lack of space. In 2001, the Israeli High Court ordered the
    municipality to build 245 new classrooms within the next 4 years, but, at
    year's end, only 2 new classrooms were finished and 28 were under
    construction
    International and domestic NGOs, including UNICEF, Save the Children, and
    Defense for Children International, promoted educational, medical, and
    cultural services for children, and other groups specialized in the needs of
    children with disabilities.
    Palestinian terrorist groups used minors to conduct attacks or as human
    shields. On January 11, a 17-year-old high school student from Nablus blew
    himself up near an army post at Jinsafut; no IDF solders were hurt. On
    November 1, a 16-year-old Palestinian bomber blew himself up in a Tel Aviv
    marketplace, killing three Israeli civilians.
    Trafficking in Persons
    Palestinian law does not prohibit trafficking in persons; however, there
    were no reports that persons were trafficked to, from, or within the
    occupied territories.
    Persons with Disabilities
    Accessibility to public facilities was not mandated in the occupied
    territories. Palestinians with disabilities were discriminated against in
    most spheres, including education, employment, transportation, and access to
    public facilities. There were approximately 130,000 Palestinians with
    disabilities prior to the outbreak of the current Intifada. The Health,
    Development, Information, and Policy Institute estimated that one-tenth of
    the approximately 28,000 Palestinians injured in the Intifada will have
    permanent disabilities.
    Some institutions cared for persons with disabilities; however, their
    efforts consistently were underfunded.
    Care for Palestinians with physical and mental disabilities remained a
    problem. Cultural stigmas coupled with inadequate funding produced poor
    quality care. The PA depended on NGOs to care for physical disabilities, and
    offered substandard care for mental disabilities. In February, the Ministry
    of Health, with input from the World Health Organization, released a
    national strategy for mental health services that called for increased
    efforts to care for mental health patients and to reintegrate them into the
    community.
    Other Societal Abuses and Discrimination
    There were no laws that discriminated against homosexuals, and there were no
    reports of specific incidents of abuse because of sexual orientation.
    However, cultural traditions and religious publications reject
    homosexuality, and Palestinians alleged that the public and PA security
    officers subjected them to harassment, abuse, and sometimes arrest because
    of their sexual orientation.
    Section 6 Worker Rights
    a. The Right of Association
    Labor Law 7 went into effect in 2001, but calls for 48 bylaws. Nine have
    been approved by the Ministers Council and published; 9 were approved but
    have not yet been published; and 30 remain incomplete. Workers may establish
    unions without government authorization. There were 19 trade unions
    registered with the Ministry of Labor.
    The International Labor Organization (ILO) has paid to disseminate an
    explanation of labor laws prepared by the Department of Law at Birzeit
    University.
    Workers in Jerusalem are free to establish unions, but may not join West
    Bank federations; however, this restriction was not enforced. Workers,
    holding Jerusalem identity cards, may belong simultaneously to West Bank
    unions and the Israeli Histadrut Labor Federation.
    Palestinians who worked in Israel or Jerusalem prior to 2000 were partial
    members of Histadrut and had 1 percent of their wages withheld. Partial
    membership entitled them to limited benefits, including compensation for
    on-the-job injuries, maternity leave, and employer bankruptcy. Histadrut and
    West Bank union officials negotiated an agreement to transfer half of this
    fee to the Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions (PGFTU), which
    claimed it was owed $6.5 million (28 million NIS).
    Article 66 of the labor law provides for the right to strike. Prospective
    strikers must send a written warning 2 weeks in advance to the other party
    and the Ministry of Labor notifying them of the basis for the strike. (For
    strikes affecting public utilities, the period is 4 weeks.) In practice,
    strikers had little protection from retribution. Unions that seek to strike
    must accept arbitration by the Ministry of Labor and are subject to
    disciplinary action if they do not accept the result.
    The PGFTU participated in some programs of the International Confederation
    of Free Trade Unions, but was not a member. The PGFTU became an ICFTU
    affiliate in 2002.
    b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
    A majority of workers in the occupied territories were self employed or
    unpaid family helpers. Approximately 35 percent had wage jobs. Most were
    employed by UNRWA and the PA. Articles 60 to 65 of the labor law stated that
    conflicts should be resolved by a mediator from the ministry. If the
    ministry cannot resolve the dispute, it can be referred to a special
    committee, and, eventually to a special court. Accordingly, in practice the
    right to strike remained questionable.
    There are no export processing zones in the occupied territories, although
    the Gaza Industrial Estate previously enjoyed free trade access to foreign
    markets.
    c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
    PA law does not prohibit specifically forced or compulsory labor; however,
    there were no reports that such practices occurred.
    d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment
    The minimum employment age is 15, and there are special conditions for
    employment between 15 and 18. For minors, working at night, hard labor, and
    travel outside their area of domicile were prohibited. However, many
    children under 15 worked in family farms and shops, or as street vendors,
    and in small manufacturing enterprises, such as shoe and textile factories.
    According to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics' Labor Force
    Survey Report, July-September 2003, 1.7 percent of children 10 to 14 years
    of age worked in 2003. The PA had only 40 labor inspectors for an estimated
    65,000 enterprises. The ILO and UNICEF worked with the PA to develop
    capacity. During the year, the ILO began to implement its International
    Program for the Elimination of Child Labor, conducted a survey, and hired a
    specialist to conduct a technical assessment.
    e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
    There was no minimum wage. Prior to 2000, the average wage for full-time
    workers provided a decent standard of living. The standard of living dropped
    significantly over the last 4 years.
    The normal workweek was 45 to 48 hours. There was no effective enforcement
    of maximum workweek laws.
    The PA Ministry of Labor was responsible for enforcing safety standards,
    and, while its ability was limited, it carried out some inspections. The
    ministry stated that new factories and workplaces met international health
    and safety standards, but that older ones did not. Palestinians who worked
    in Israel were required to contribute to the National Insurance Institute
    and received limited benefits.
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