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Armenia Suspends US-Backed Normalization Of Relations With Turkey

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  • Armenia Suspends US-Backed Normalization Of Relations With Turkey

    ARMENIA SUSPENDS US-BACKED NORMALIZATION OF RELATIONS WITH TURKEY
    Vladimir Socor

    Georgian Daily
    http://georgiandaily.com/index.php?option=co m_content&task=view&id=18404&Itemid=13 2
    April 29 2010
    Georgia

    On April 22, Armenian President, Serzh Sargsyan, announced a unilateral
    suspension of the process of normalizing Armenia-Turkey relations -a
    process driven by the United States on its own terms of reference. In
    follow-up statements on April 24, Sargsyan interprets the goal of
    normalization as being compatible with genocide recognition efforts
    against Turkey in the international arena.

    Yerevan's move seems designed at least in part to re-energize such
    efforts in the United States, for leverage on Turkey and Azerbaijan.

    It follows the failure of Washington's recent attempts to convince
    Turkey to de-couple from Azerbaijan and open the Turkish-Armenian
    border, without requiring any withdrawal of Armenian troops from
    Azerbaijan's inner districts.

    Sargsyan issued his announcement just two days before Obama's April 24
    Armenian Remembrance Day message. Sargsyan's timing seemed calculated
    to increase pressure for the term "genocide" or a near-equivalent to
    be included in the US president's message. In the event, Obama used an
    Armenian paraphrase twice in his message (White House press release,
    April 24), just as he had done last year. The White House will have to
    struggle with the genocide issue through the mid-term elections until
    (at least) next year's Armenian Remembrance Day.

    Technically, Armenia's suspension takes the form of withdrawing the
    Armenian-Turkish normalization protocols from ratification by its
    parliament. Signed by presidents Sargsyan and Abdullah Gul, after
    US prodding, in October 2009 in Zurich, the two protocols envisaged
    establishing diplomatic relations and opening the mutual border for
    trade and transit (seen as benefiting mainly Armenia). Normalization
    was to be achieved "within a reasonable time-frame," (before the US
    political deadline on April 24). Moreover, normalization was to be
    pursued "without preconditions," meaning that Turkey would normalize
    relations despite Armenia's occupation of inner-Azeri territories,
    while Armenia would withdraw its support from genocide recognition
    efforts in the US political arena.

    In his April 22 statement to the nation, Sargsyan asserted that
    Turkey has dragged out the process beyond a reasonable timeframe, so
    as to pass the April 24 deadline (a charge designed to resonate with
    the US administration). Sargsyan criticizes Ankara for introducing
    preconditions, meaning (though he does not spell it out) that it has
    reinstated the linkage between the re-opening of the Turkish-Armenian
    border and withdrawal of Armenian troops from inner-Azeri territories.

    Armenia therefore suspended the protocols' parliamentary ratification,
    Sargsyan said, until Turkey would re-engages in "normalization"
    without preconditions, or separates the process of Turkish-Armenian
    normalization from that of Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict resolution.

    Armenia retains its [Sargsyan's] signature under the Zurich protocols
    and does not exit the process "for the time being." However, "our
    struggle for international recognition of the genocide continues"
    (Armenian Radio, Arminfo, April 22, 23).

    In two follow-up statements on April 24 to the Armenian people and
    to Russian media, respectively, Sargsyan vowed that Armenia would
    continue to "struggle for genocide recognition as an irreversible
    process" and "an obligation, irrespective of the political situation."

    He defines the historical commission envisaged by the Zurich protocols
    as a forum for studying the Armenian genocide, not for determining
    whether it took place or not. Moreover, "We reject the argument
    that the dialogue between Armenia and Turkey can justify the refusal
    to recognize the Armenian genocide" (Arminfo, PanArmenian.Net, RIA
    Novosti, Interfax, April 24).

    Thus, Yerevan contradicts the Obama administration's argument that
    Armenian-Turkish normalization would justify halting the genocide
    recognition campaign. To deflect that campaign, the administration
    had proposed opening the Turkish-Armenian border, in lieu of genocide
    recognition. Yerevan went along with the Obama administration's
    argument for one year, irritating many in the activist Armenian
    diaspora groups; but Yerevan is now apparently realigning with that
    part of the diaspora by again insisting on genocide recognition.

    Addressing a Congressional leadership group headed by House Speaker
    Nancy Pelosi in Washington, Armenian Ambassador, Tatul Margarian,
    similarly declared, "The [Armenia-Turkey] rapprochement cannot take
    place to the detriment of genocide recognition" (PanArmenian.Net,
    April 24).

    All this seems to presage continuing attempts at exerting political
    leverage on Ankara and Baku via Washington's political processes, in
    the run-up to the US mid-term elections. The administration had sought
    Yerevan's help for moving the genocide debate from the US political
    arena into the quiet confines of a historical commission. Apparently,
    Yerevan has become less cooperative in this regard.

    Yerevan has suspended its part in the "normalization," realizing that
    the process has failed to divide Turkey from Azerbaijan, or to pressure
    Ankara into sacrificing Baku's interests in the Armenia-Azerbaijan
    conflict. Moscow must have realized this also.

    Sargsyan flew to Moscow for consultations with President Dmitry
    Medvedev on April 20, two days before announcing the suspension of
    normalizing relations with Turkey (Arminfo, Interfax, April 20-22).

    Source: http://www.jamestown.org/programs/edm
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