Announcement

Collapse
No announcement yet.

RFE/RL Russian Political Weekly - 05/02/2005

Collapse
X
 
  • Filter
  • Time
  • Show
Clear All
new posts

  • RFE/RL Russian Political Weekly - 05/02/2005

    RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC
    _________________________________________ ____________________
    RFE/RL Russian Political Weekly
    Vol. 5, No. 17, 2 May 2005

    A Weekly Review of News and Analysis of Russian Domestic Politics

    ************************************************** **********
    HEADLINES:
    * NATIONAL BOLSHEVIKS: THE PARTY OF 'DIRECT ACTION'
    * WAS SOVIET COLLAPSE LAST CENTURY'S WORST GEOPOLITICAL
    CATASTROPHE?
    * TBILISI, MOSCOW REPORT BREAKTHROUGH OVER RUSSIAN MILITARY
    BASES
    ************************************************** **********

    PROFILE

    NATIONAL BOLSHEVIKS: THE PARTY OF 'DIRECT ACTION'

    By Victor Yasmann

    The National Bolshevik Party (NBP), which is Russia's
    oldest radical youth organization, was created in 1994 by radical
    writer Eduard Limonov, Eurasianism ideologue Aleksandr Dugin (who
    soon left the party), and rock musicians Yegor Letov and Sergei
    Kurikhin, as well as other counterculture figures.
    Although according to its own statistics the NBP has 30,000
    to 50,000 members and branches in 24 key Russian regions as well as
    in the Baltic states and the CIS, the party has no official status,
    as the authorities persistently refuse to register it. It has a
    network of regional and international websites and requests that its
    new members possess Internet skills.
    The NBP's leader and cult figure is Eduard Limonov, 62, a
    man with an unusual history and one of the few Russian politicians
    with no links to the Soviet and post-Soviet ruling elite. Born in
    Kharkiv, Limonov was a member of the Soviet literary underground in
    the 1960s. In 1974, he emigrated to the United States, where he
    became close to American Trotskyites and anarchists. It was there
    that he wrote his best-selling novel "It is me, Eddie," (Eto ya,
    Yedichka), which has been translated into 15 languages.
    Limonov soon moved to Paris, where he became a member of the
    French avant-garde literary salons and joined forces with French and
    European leftist and neo-rightist political radicals, including
    French National Front leader Jean-Marie Le Pen. In the late 1980s, he
    began to publish his articles in the national-patriotic press in the
    Soviet Union and in 1992 moved back to Russia. In 1994 Limonov
    launched the extremist ultranationalist newspaper "Limonka," which
    quickly began to attract various groups of young people frustrated by
    the hardships of reforms and embittered at the West.
    Armed with his political experience in the West, Limonov
    proposed the creation of "revolutionary party of a new style" that
    could attract young people with a combination of extremist
    ultranationalist propaganda and "direct action" as practiced during
    the Maoist student protest in France and other European countries in
    1968. Limonov suggested calling the new party the National
    Bolsheviks, as he believed that the word "communism" had been
    compromised by the reactionary policies of the Communist Party, which
    he also blamed for "losing the USSR."
    While Limonov became the leader of the NBP, its chief
    ideologue was Aleksandr Dugin (see
    http://www.rferl.org/specials/russianelection/bio/dugin.asp), the
    main standard bearer of the neo-imperialistic doctrine of
    Eurasianism. Dugin was also a proponent of the idea of a
    "conservative revolution" pitting Eurasia against the Atlantic powers
    of Great Britain and the United States. Dugin was also an editor of
    the party newspaper, "Limonka."
    Looking back at the NBP's activities in the 1990s, the
    leader of the rival Communist Party-controlled Young Left Front, Ilya
    Ponamarev, told kreml.org on 4 April that "the organization never was
    or is a youth movement at all."
    "It is a postmodernist aesthetic project of intellectual
    provocateurs [in the positive meaning of the word] in which many
    bright and nontrivial personalities like Eduard Limonov, Aleksandr
    Dugin, Sergei Kurikhin, and [analyst] Stanislav Belkovskii were
    involved," Ponamarev said. "It was an effort, and, a quite successful
    one, to mobilize the most passionate and intellectually dissatisfied
    part of society (in contrast to the Communist Party, which utilized
    the social and economic protests of the leftist electorate). For this
    mobilization, the NBP used a bizarre mixture of totalitarian and
    fascist symbols, geopolitical dogma, leftist ideas, and
    national-patriotic demagoguery."
    In 1998, Dugin and his followers left the NBP. After
    Dugin's exit, the NBP quickly moved to the left wing of
    Russia's political spectrum, accusing Dugin and his group of
    being fascists.
    At that point, the NBP began having considerable problems
    with the Federal Security Service (FSB), since the special services
    always favored Dugin's Eurasianist philosophy. Or as 102-year-old
    KGB Foreign Intelligence veteran Boris Gudz claimed in the 2004 book
    "Geniuses of Intelligence," Eurasianism was invented in the 1920s by
    the OGPU, a predecessor of the KGB. Consequentially, the FSB regarded
    all opponents of Eurasianism, including the NBP, as enemies.
    The conflict between the FSB and NBP was exacerbated by the
    tactics of "direct action," in which NBP activists publicly attacked
    people they considered symbols of the regime or domestic or foreign
    allies of the Kremlin. The NBP's favorite tactics were throwing
    mayonnaise or tomatoes at prominent public figures. Since 1998, such
    people as former Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov, NATO
    Secretary-General Lord George Robertson, Central Election Commission
    Chairman Aleksandr Veshnyakov, and film director Nikita Mikhalkov
    were subjected to such attacks by the NBP, while former Soviet
    President Mikhail Gorbachev and Great Britain's Prince Charles
    were hit in face with bunches of flowers.
    For these and other nonviolent actions that the NBP calls
    "velvet terror," many of its activists have been arrested and
    sentenced to serious prison terms. According to the NBP website
    (http://nbp-info.ru), more than 100 of its members have been in
    Russian prisons since the party's creation, while 47 are still
    serving sentences or awaiting trial.
    In April 2001, Limonov and a group of his followers were
    arrested by the FSB in Altai under accusations of terrorism and
    preparing an armed rebellion in Kazakhstan.
    Limonov awaited trial in jail until February 2003, when he
    was sentenced to four years in prison. Limonov pleaded not guilty and
    sought political-prisoner status. "We do not deserve to be called
    extremists. In the West, we would occupy a place between Greenpeace
    and Amnesty International, being a legal party and real political
    force, " he said, according to informacia.ru.
    In prison, Limonov wrote the book "The Other Russia," in
    which he dropped much of the radical dogma of national bolshevism and
    changed his mind about the past and future of Russia. For example, in
    the mid-1990s NBP activists shocked people with chants of "Stalin,
    Beria, Gulag," but after personal experience with modern Russian
    prisons, Limonov and his followers stopped romanticizing
    state-security organs and began calling President Vladimir
    Putin's Russia a "police state."
    Under pressure from State Duma deputies, Limonov was released
    in June 2003 and continued his political evolution toward a coalition
    with democratic forces and the left-wing opposition against the
    Kremlin. The product of this evolution was the new NBP political
    program released in 2004, containing almost identical points to
    Yabloko's, for instance.
    According to the program posted at http://nbp-info.ru, the
    new goals of the party should be the development of civil society and
    restriction of state interference in public and personal life,
    facilitation of the registration and activity of political parties,
    development of independent media and allowing criticism of the
    president and government on state-controlled television, civilian
    control over law enforcement and the FSB, restoration of the
    social-security network, curtailing of bureaucracy, and the end of
    the war in Chechnya.
    Since late 2004, the NBP has protested the cancellation of
    the direct election of governors and the botched monetization reform
    and enthusiastically supported the Orange Revolution in Ukraine. On
    11 April the NBP together with the Communist Party, Motherland,
    Sergei Glazev's For a Decent Life party, and supported by
    Yabloko, organized an initiative group for a national referendum on
    social and political reforms "with a human face," Russian media
    reported.
    If the political orientation of NBP in the last couple years
    changed visibly, the tactics of direct action remain unchanged and
    became even more provocative.
    On 2 August 2004, a group of NBP activists broke into the
    office of Health and Social Development Minister Mikhail Zurabov and
    occupied it for several hours, demanding Zurabov's resignation
    for his responsibility for the unpopular social-benefits reforms, the
    NBP's website announced. Using flash-mob tactics, the NBP called
    its followers to gather around the office to support the action.
    Eventually, FSB arrested most of the participants of the action and
    on 12 December seven NBP activist were each sentenced to five years
    in prison for the "seizure of a government office and mass
    disturbances."
    On 14 December 2004, an even bigger group of NBP members
    occupied the presidential-administration visitors' room in much
    the same manner, to protest Putin's political reforms,
    nbp-info.ru reported. Thirty-nine members of NBP have been arrested
    and are still awaiting trial. They have been accused of "attempting
    to seize power and organize a mass disturbance." If convicted, they
    could face two to eight years in prison. They are scheduled to face
    trial in August.
    Meanwhile, the NBP continues to defend the "right of the
    people to revolution." The weekly "Limonka," No. 271, declared on 16
    April that Russia is on the eve of revolution. "The people awoke
    during perestroika, and fell asleep for a while, now they have
    awakened again to discover what kind of moral monsters are governing
    them. And they rebel against these monsters. Moral complaints against
    the authorities are the main engine of the colored revolution."
    Some political analysts believe that the only kind of
    revolution that can happen in Russian is a leftist-socialist and/or
    nationalist-patriotic revolution. If that is indeed the case, NBP,
    with 10 years of experience in confrontation with government, its own
    list of political prisoners, and tactics of direct action, will
    likely be at the eye of the revolutionary storm.


    KREMLIN/WHITE HOUSE

    WAS SOVIET COLLAPSE LAST CENTURY'S WORST GEOPOLITICAL
    CATASTROPHE?

    By Claire Bigg

    In his state-of-the-nation address on 25 April, Russian
    President Vladimir Putin surprised the West by calling the Soviet
    Union's collapse the "biggest geopolitical catastrophe of the
    century." Putin said, "For the Russian people, it became a real
    drama. Tens of millions of our citizens and countrymen found
    themselves outside Russian territory. The epidemic of disintegration
    also spread to Russia itself."
    Outside Russia, Putin's declaration has sparked debate
    over the gravity of the Soviet Union's demise compared to other
    geopolitical catastrophes such as World War II.
    Some Western publications have suggested that the rise --
    rather than the fall -- of the Soviet Union might have been the real
    catastrophe of the 20th century.
    In Russia, however, Putin's statement has failed to
    create much controversy. Instead, it has been met largely with
    indifference, tacit agreement, and even enthusiasm.
    Boris Kagarlitskii, the director of the Institute of
    Globalization Studies in Moscow, said he tends to agree with the
    Russian president.
    Kagarlitskii said the fall of the Soviet Union and its
    ensuing chaos affected, at least initially, tens of millions of lives
    across a massive territory. And the changes, he argued, were not
    always for the best.
    "It is very clear that for the great majority of Russian
    people, the disintegration of the Soviet Union was a personal
    catastrophe," Kagarlitskii said. "It was also a catastrophe for a
    tremendous majority of people in Tajikistan, quite a lot of people in
    Uzbekistan, and so on, including many people in Ukraine. Because
    families were divided, people's lives were ruined, living
    standards collapsed, the minimal standards of human justice, and very
    often of freedom, were also neglected."
    Another reason Putin's statement has failed to surprise
    Russians is the fact that it comes from a former member of the Soviet
    secret services.
    Nikolai Petrov, a political analyst at the Carnegie Center in
    Moscow, said Putin's comment indicates some personal nostalgia
    for the Soviet Union, since its collapse marked the end of his career
    as a KGB officer.
    Putin's declaration, he said, was mainly intended as an
    olive branch to Russia's elderly and veterans ahead of the 9 May
    celebrations in Moscow to mark the 60th anniversary of the end of
    World War II.
    The reform in January of Soviet-era social benefits had riled
    pensioners, thousands of whom had staged protests for weeks across
    the country.
    Petrov said Putin's Soviet nostalgia would have found a
    receptive audience in older Russians who have seen their living
    standards steadily decline since 1991.
    "[Putin's declaration] has to be understood in the
    broader context of the president's address, which was pronounced
    in such a tone as to be pleasant to all categories of citizens,"
    Petrov said. "Such thoughts are particularly popular among the
    elderly and the veterans, in whose eyes Putin's image was greatly
    tarnished by the monetization of benefits at the beginning of the
    year."
    Traditionally, the state-of-the-nation address is devoted to
    reviewing the government's performance in the past year and
    outlining its future course.
    Analysts were therefore perplexed by the prominence of
    historical events in Putin's speech, and why he sought to place
    the fall of the Soviet Union in a global context.
    Petrov said Putin is obviously concerned by the recent
    protests that toppled governments in former Soviet republics Georgia,
    Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan. Russia had been very critical of the
    protests, but had failed to curb them.
    "I think that [Putin's declaration] is definitely linked
    to the events that are taking place on post-Soviet territory," Petrov
    said. "It is in part a reaction to global tectonic processes, changes
    -- to the transition from a post-Soviet existence to a fundamentally
    new life on this territory."
    Putin also used his state-of-the-nation address to make clear
    he would not tolerate similar events on Russian territory. He said
    authorities would react to any unrest with what he called "legal but
    tough means."


    RUSSIA/GEORGIA

    TBILISI, MOSCOW REPORT BREAKTHROUGH OVER RUSSIAN MILITARY BASES

    By Jean-Christophe Peuch

    Just days ago, Moscow and Tbilisi blamed each other for
    scuttling talks on the withdrawal of Russian military bases in
    Georgia. But now both sides are reporting progress on the issue.
    Georgian Foreign Minister Salome Zurabishvili said on a visit to
    Moscow yesterday that Russia is now willing to vacate both facilities
    by 2008. Although there is still no formal agreement on a pullout
    date, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov suggested yesterday that
    a compromise is in sight.
    Zurabishvili said the fate of Russia's military bases has
    been "all but decided."
    The Georgian envoy told Georgia's Rustavi-2 private
    television channel yesterday that she and Lavrov and agreed in
    principle the pullout should be completed by 1 January 2008.
    She also suggested that Moscow might begin vacating the two
    facilities as soon as the presidents of both countries sign a final
    agreement on the withdrawal.
    Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili has suggested that,
    without a firm agreement on a withdrawal date, he might not join his
    Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin in May to attend ceremonies
    marking the 60th anniversary of the end of World War II.
    The Georgian president addressed the issue of the bases while
    speaking at the 22 April GUUAM summit in the Moldovan capital
    Chisinau.Tbilisi for the past five years has demanded that the Batumi
    and Akhalkalaki bases be vacated as soon as possible. Russia has
    claimed it does not have enough money to pull out before the next
    decade.
    "Russia's military bases are stationed in Georgia against
    the will of the Georgian people. They do not serve the interests of
    either Russia or Georgia; nor do they serve the interests of our
    bilateral relations and regional security," Saakashvili said. "We
    hope we will be able to agree on a [mutually] acceptable, civilized,
    and gradual -- yet final -- withdrawal of the Russian military bases
    before the Moscow summit."
    At a 1999 summit of the Organization for Cooperation and
    Security in Europe (OSCE), Russia was requested to clear the four
    ex-Soviet military bases it had been maintaining in Georgia. The OSCE
    said the Russian bases violated international disarmament treaties on
    conventional weapons.
    In 2001, Moscow vacated the Vaziani airfield, near Tbilisi,
    and handed it over to Georgian authorities. Claims that it also
    withdrew from the Gudauta military base in Georgia's breakaway
    province of Abkhazia have not been independently verified.
    Far more problematic has been the fate of the two remaining
    bases.
    They are located respectively in Batumi, the capital of the
    autonomous Republic of Adjara, and in Akhalkalaki, in the
    predominantly Armenian southern region of Samtskhe-Javakheti.
    The issue has been a major hurdle in talks over a new
    Georgian-Russian bilateral treaty.
    Tbilisi for the past five years has demanded that the Batumi
    and Akhalkalaki bases be vacated as soon as possible. Russia has
    claimed it does not have enough money to pull out before the next
    decade.
    The Georgian parliament on 10 March adopted a nonbinding
    resolution suggesting that the government should force the withdrawal
    of Russian troops by year's end if the sides fail to reach an
    agreement by 15 May.
    Lavrov yesterday indicated Moscow might be willing to
    accelerate the withdrawal by starting to pull out part of its
    military equipment in the months to come. He also said Russia will
    continue to hand over Soviet-era plants and other facilities that are
    not part of the bases.
    "We agree that the withdrawal should be progressive and could
    begin already this year, provided corresponding accords are reached,"
    Lavrov said. "This concerns heavy military equipment; this concerns
    those military facilities that are not part of the Russian military
    bases, and this also concerns questions related to the joint use of a
    number of facilities that are part of the Russian military bases in
    Georgia."
    A major concern for Moscow is that NATO hopeful Georgia might
    authorize the deployment of U.S. or other allied troops on its
    territory once Russian forces leaves.
    Tbilisi has said it has no intention of allowing in any
    non-Georgian troops after the Russian pullout. But it refuses to meet
    Moscow's request that its legislation be amended accordingly. It
    says decisions about foreign military bases are not Russia's
    concern.
    But the two sides have shown signs of cooperating on other
    issues. Giving few details, Lavrov hinted yesterday that progress had
    been made on setting up an antiterrorist center in Georgia.
    "In line with a decision reached by our two presidents, it
    has also been agreed that, in parallel with the pullout of the
    Russian bases, a Georgian-Russian antiterrorist center would be set
    up," Lavrov said. "Negotiations to that effect have already started
    between representatives of the secret services of both states. [These
    negotiations] will continue in the near future."
    Russian Defense Minister Sergei Ivanov has demanded the
    antiterrorist center be set up at the Batumi and Akhalkalaki
    facilities and used to train army and border-guard joint units.
    But Georgian officials claim the proposal is a pretext for
    maintaining Russian troops in the country. They say any antiterrorist
    center should be based in Tbilisi and operate more as a think tank
    than a military training site.
    Zurabishvili implied yesterday that there is much to be done
    before a comprehensive bilateral agreement can be made, saying, "The
    devil is in the details."

    POLITICAL CALENDAR

    6-8 May: Federation Council Chairman Sergei
    Mironov to visit Minsk for talks with Belarusian legislators
    6-8 May: Working Russia movement to hold anti-war rallies
    near US embassy, according to leader Viktor Anpilov
    8 May: CIS heads of state will gather in Moscow for a summit
    9 May: Commemoration of the 60th anniversary of the end of
    World War II
    10 May: Russia-EU summit to be held in Moscow
    10 May: Latvian, Russian officials to sign Russia-Latvia
    border agreement
    11 May: Federation Council will consider law on election of
    State Duma deputies
    16 May: Moscow court will deliver its verdict in trial of
    former Yukos head Mikhail Khodorkovskii and co-defendants
    18 May: Monument to Tsar Aleksandr II to be unveiled in
    Moscow
    26 May: Constitutional Court expected to rule in a case filed
    by the Federal Tax Service, which is seeking to overturn the current
    three-year statute of limitations on tax-related crimes
    30-31 May: Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov to visit Japan
    end of May: Union of Rightist Forces party congress to be
    held
    19 June: Referendum in Samara on dismissing Mayor Georgii
    Limanskii
    23 June: Yukos shareholders meeting
    24 June: Gazprom shareholders meeting. Date by which merger
    of Gazprom and Rosneft to be completed, according to RBK
    4 July: 750th anniversary of the founding of Kaliningrad
    6-8 July: G-8 summit in Scotland
    10 July: Early presidential elections in Kyrgyzstan
    August: CIS summit to be held in Kazan
    September: First-ever Sino-Russian military exercises to be
    held on the Shandong Peninsula
    1 November: New Public Chamber expected to hold first session

    2006: Russia to host a G-8 summit in St. Petersburg
    1 January 2006: Date by which all political parties must
    conform to law on political parties, which requires at least 50,000
    members and branches in one-half of all federation subjects, or
    either re-register as public organizations or be dissolved.

    ************************************************** *******
    Copyright (c) 2005. RFE/RL, Inc. All rights reserved.

    This "RFE/RL Russian Political Weekly" was prepared by Julie A.
    Corwin on the basis of a variety of sources. It is distributed every
    Wednesday.

    Direct comments to Robert Coalson at [email protected].
    For information on reprints, see:
    http://www.rferl.org/about/content/request.asp
    Back issues are online at http://www.rferl.org/reports/rpw/
Working...
X