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Hertzel, the Armenians and the Chairman of the Knesset

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  • Hertzel, the Armenians and the Chairman of the Knesset

    Ha'aretz, Tuesday
    7th June, 2011

    Hertzel, the Armenians and the Chairman of the Knesset

    By Prof. Rahel Elboim-Dror

    The decision of Mr. Reuven Rivlin, the Chairman of he Knesset, to hold
    a discussion on the Genocide of the Armenian people in the Knesset
    plenum probably is ignorant of the historical context of the Zionist
    movement. The Armenian issue occupied the attention of the Zionist
    movement from its dawn in the later days of the 19th century, even
    before the First Zionist Congress and before the mass murder of the
    Armenians in 1915.

    At the basis of the strategy of the visionary of the Zionist movement,
    Benyamin Hertzel was the idea of an exchange deal; the Jews would pay
    the huge debts of the Ottoman Empire in return for obtaining the land
    of Israel and establishment of an independent Jewish State with the
    accord of the European powers. Hertzel labored hard to convince the
    Turkish Sultan, Abdul Hamid II, to accept the formula, but his efforts
    failed, among other things because of the Sultan's opposition to hand
    over Jerusalem to the Jews and his failure to mobilize Jewish wealthy
    people.

    `Instead of proposing money to the Sultan', said one of the advisors
    of Hertzl (who no doubt proposed the same to the Sultan), `Let us give
    the Sultan political support in the Armenian issue, this way the
    Sultan will be grateful and would accept your proposal, in one form or
    another'. Before the events of 1915 the Armenians had several
    insurrections in the last part of the 19th century, but the Turks had
    the upper hand. The European states condemned the murder of the
    Armenians by the Turks, and in different countries solidarity
    committees were established supporting the Armenians, some of the
    leaders of the Armenian revolt could escape and find refuge in
    Europe. This situation made it extremely difficult for Turkey to
    obtain loans from European banks.

    Hertzel accepted the proposal of his advisor with enthusiasm. For him
    any means which could bring closer the establishment of a Jewish state
    needs to be attempted, so he accepted to be a tool in the hands of the
    Sultan to convince the leaders of the Armenian revolt to give in,
    giving them guarantees that if they surrender, the Sultan would
    satisfy some of their demands. The Sultan hoped that Hertzel as a
    famous journalist will succeed to change the negative image of the
    Ottoman Empire.

    Hertzel labored to present Turkey as a humane state, which acts the
    way it does because of lack of choice, and sees itself as mediator for
    peace. He established connections and held secret meetings with
    Armenian rebels, who didn't believe in the sincerity of Hertzel or the
    assurances of the Sultan, and he simultaneously acted to reach out
    through the diplomatic channels of the European powers which he knew
    well.

    In his usual style, Hertzel did not consult with the leaders of the
    Zionist movement, and his activity was not discussed in any forum. It
    was easy as at that time the Zionist movement was not institutionalized
    and its orientation, structure and organizational methods were not
    shaped yet. In his usual style, Hertzl maintained great secrecy about
    his activities, but he needed help and turned to Max Nordau, and asked
    him to be mobilized for the Armenian mission. Nordau responded to him
    by cable with one word `No'. In his enthusiasm to get a charter for
    the Land of Israel from the Turks, Hertzel publicly declared in the
    annual Zionist congresses that the Zionist movement expresses its
    appreciation and gratitude to the Turkish Sultan despite the
    opposition of several delegates. Leading the opposition was Bernard
    Lazar who saw in the support of Hertzel to

    the Sultan (killer of the Armenians), betrayal of the values of
    Zionism. Lazar, a French Jewish intellectual, a leftist, journalist
    and well-known literary critic and one of the first militants against
    the Dreyfus trial and one of the supporters of the Armenians, Lazar
    could not reconcile himself with the activities of Hertzel and in his
    rage resigned from the Zionist executive committee, walked out of the
    Zionist movement and published an open letter to Hertzel in which he
    sharply criticized the Zionist policy. Lazar said `How could we claim
    to be the representative of an ancient nation whose history is written
    in blood, and how could we extend a welcoming hand to murderers, and
    how does it happen that no one in the Zionist Congress stood up to
    protest?'

    Hertzel was extremely sorry to see Lazar leave, and requested him to
    stay, as he esteemed him very much and valued his ability to mobilize
    the intellectual elites of French Jewry to join the movement, but of
    no avail, Lazar left. The drama of Hertzel to serve the Turkish
    regime and subject to a secondary place humanitarian consideration to
    the ideals of the Jewish State incarnates the clash between political
    objectives to the principles of morality. Such tragic dilemmas are
    back again at the door of the State of Israel and other states who are
    engulfed in the concept of `raison d'état'.

    On the one hand, the longstanding decision not to recognize publicly
    the Armenian Genocide, and on the other hand the decision of the
    Chairman of the Knesset Mr. Rivlin to hold a discussion in the Knesset
    on the Armenian issue, reflect the hesitancy to resolve between human
    values and political, security and economic values.

    These indecisive attitudes are foremost influenced by the state of
    relations with Turkey. The relations with this state both in Ottoman
    times and today are built considering the geopolitical location of
    Israel and from here flow the need to balance principles and moral
    considerations with Real-politique needs. But no matter what, we
    cannot overlook and ignore the grave obligations which this issue
    places us in.




    From: A. Papazian
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