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Aleppo in the Syrian Uprising
By Harout Ekmanian, Near East Quarterly
http://www.neareastquarterly.com/index.php/2012/06/26/aleppo-in-the-syrian-uprising/
29 July 2012
Harout Ekmanian is a freelance journalist and lawyer from Aleppo.
The Second City
Since the Middle Ages, Aleppo has been a major trade and commerce hub for
the East Asia region. It was one of the three most important cities of the
Ottoman Empire, where European countries held consulates and
representatives dating back over 400 years, such as the consulate of the
Netherlands and the Republic of Venice. Early Christian pilgrims rested in
the hospitable caravanserais of the old city on their way to Jerusalem. Old
sculptures and carvings on the walls of the 750-year-old Sts. Forty Martyrs
Church in Aleppo state that the city was an important trade centre for the
Armenian merchants traveling on the Silk Road from the Far East to Europe
and vice versa.
Adding to its status as an economic beehive, Aleppo has always enjoyed a
rich variety of ethnic and confessional groups. However, after Syria's
independence from the Ottoman Empire Aleppo relinquished its leading role
in the region. The rise of Arab national sentiment that ignited the
independence movement between the two world wars required a more homogenous
Arabic city like Damascus, rather than the cosmopolitan Aleppo inhabited by
Turks, Kurds, Armenians, Circassians and other nationalities, as Arabs.
Adding to this, the cessation of Sanjak of Alexandrette (today Hatay
province) and its annexation to Turkey caused the city's loss of its direct
seaport, which was considered Aleppo's main link to the outside world.
Consequently, the regional role of Aleppo diminished both politically and
economically, but it largely remains an important game-changer in Syria.
>From independence to Bouazizi
After the independence of Syria from France large businesses, which were
passed through generations with indigenous traditions and rich experiences,
started to emerge. Politically, urban notables and important public figures
from Aleppo had formed a strong bloc in the Syrian parliament; they took
over several governments in the country. However, Gamal Abdul Nasser's
policy of nationalization during the short-lived union with Egypt (1958-61)
greatly damaged the endeavors of the Aleppian political and business class.
When Hafez al-Assad came to power, socialist policies were put at the top
of the government's agenda, and more people from the rural areas,
especially from the coastal countryside, were appointed to public posts in
favor of more educated urban citizens. This caused an escalated pace of
influx of people from the rural areas to the big cities, which couldn't
absorb the rapid social, cultural, economic and political changes. The
social injustice, the crippling economy and many other factors made Aleppo
a most dangerous hotbed of civil strife in the early '80s.
During the '80s and the '90s, as Syria's second largest city, Aleppo was
marginalized. Poor administration, bureaucracy and corruption left the city
underdeveloped and saw a shadow economy take root across Syria in general.
In addition to being local problems they were international, too.
During the last decade another dynamic spread its roots in the country.
President Bashar al-Assad's rule was marked by more liberal economic
policies. Nevertheless, the regime lacked political openness, transparency
and pluralism needed to achieve broad development goals. This was more
evident in Damascus and in Aleppo than elsewhere. The radical changes that
were taking place were similar to the neo-liberal policies of some Latin
American or ex-Soviet countries. Syria needed an in-depth infrastructural
development to rise from decades of setbacks that included the
nationalizing private businesses, foreign sanctions and blockades, bad
economic policy, more than a superficial modernism and facelift politics,
which left the impression the government was throwing sand in the eyes of
the people, rather than offer real reform.
As a consequence, social and cultural divisions cut deeper into society. It
is true that some internationally famous brands and companies began opening
stores in the major cities. However, these were mostly consumption-based
rather than production-based corporations. The gap between the rich and the
poor widened, whereas the middle class and small businesses, the backbone
of any developing country, suffered during the most difficult period since
the country's independence.
Reports by the German Organization for International Cooperation (GIZ) in
October 2009 showed that 40% of Aleppo's settlements1 are informal--one of
the highest figures in the Mediterranean region. According to annual
reports in local online media outlets, Aleppo had the highest rate of
illiteracy and crime among all Syrian governorates.2 All these facts were
signs of bigger problems looming on the horizon, but it lacked the spark
that came in 2011.
Aleppo in the wake of the Syrian revolt
In March 2011, the wind of change that stormed the Arab world reached
Syria. According to many Syrians, Aleppo was expected to be the first to
ignite in the wake of the Arab Spring. Nevertheless, the uprising in Syria
started in the rural areas, not big cities. Aleppo largely remained unmoved
until 2012, except for some protests at the Aleppo University and certain
impoverished neighborhoods for a few times.3 The reason behind this is that
the last time Aleppo challenged the authorities, in the early '80s, it
faced an iron fist. Besides, the business elite in the city, which control
much of the daily discourse, was also a part of the governmental policies
in the last few years and it was one of the classes which most benefited,
thanks to its multifaceted political and business ties with the regime.
The city largely avoided the bloodbath in other cities and towns. Even when
protests were held in the rural Aleppo area and some of its neighborhoods,
it didn't experience faced the same kind of brutal reaction as has been the
case in other parts of the country. However, when the Syrian uprising
turned more serious with the onset of Ramadan in late July 2011, Aleppo
started to suffer from oil, gas and electricity shortages. Syrian state
media and its quasi-state media backers used this phenomenon as a tool to
blast the `insurgents' who were blocking roads, cutting pipelines and
holding up oil tankers coming to Aleppo from Homs, Hama and the Syrian
coast. Meanwhile the opposition blamed the regime for fabricating the
energy crisis as fear propaganda. Just recently, the chamber of Industry of
Aleppo threatened the regime by organizing worker protests and `industrial
strikes' by closing their factories if the government applied the new rates
of electricity prices.4
The Aleppo Chamber of Commerce stated in its meetings in May 20125 that the
price of building materials had nearly doubled. The real estate rents have
also doubled. According to data provided from the central bureau of
statistics, the rise of inflation in one month (February 2012) was 6%,
whereas the rise of prices in the first quarter of 2012 was 60%.6 The rise
in prices between January 2011 and January 2012 was at 42%.7
Compared to 2005, the prices of food, medicine, clothing, transportation
have risen more than 72% overall in Syria. In Aleppo only, that number
reaches as high as 89%.8 Economic sanctions imposed on Syria by the EU,
Arab countries and Turkey, have played a huge role in the economic meltdown
of the country. The instability has also made a number of leading Syrian
businessmen, in different sectors, to taking flight to Jordan, the United
Arab Emirates and Egypt.9
More action in Aleppo
The business elite, who largely controlled the situation in the northern
city and worked hand in hand with the authorities to silence any movement
that could endanger their interests and their existence, have been put to
test and exposed as more efficient in theory than in practice.
The city was also shook by huge explosions in recent months,10 which
happened in summetry with Damascus blasts. If this was perpetrated by the
armed segments of the opposition (Free Syrian Army, Al-Qaida, Al-Nusra
Front and so forth) or if the regime's hand was behind these blasts, it
made one thing very clear: this was a near-formal blow to the remaining
vestiges of the illusive conviction that Aleppo would remain a safe haven
and come out of the uprising scot-free. The protest movement started to
find solid ground in Aleppo, too. First, in al-Fardos, then Souccari,
Shaar, Sayf al-Dawle, Marjeh, Ashrafiyyeh districts and most evidently at
the University of Aleppo, which was stormed, in May, by thousands of
students protesting the presence of the international observers.11
The Dilemma facing Aleppo's minorities
Christians in Syria have always enjoyed special advantages by undertaking a
pseudo-governmental role inside their communities. According to a report
published on the Syria Comment blog, the number of Christians in Aleppo is
under 100,000. Many analysts predict harsher days for Christians in the
future.12 As the situation in the more conservative countryside became more
heated, Christians became increasingly worried. The rise of fundamental
Islamist parties and their apparent control of power in other Arab
countries have raised great many questions for these communities. Gulf
States, namely Saudi Arabia and Qatar, have backed by proxy the more
radical Islamist and militarist segments of the opposition. Adding to that
fact, since the start of the turmoil, the regime hasn't missed any chance
to heavily underline the supposedly sectarian and extremist viewpoint held
by the opposition.
Christians who compose a major factor in the social, cultural and economic
fabric of Syria feel threatened by the uprising and the escalated violence
that has swept the country. The dilemma of not having a reliable option for
change and looking at the bitter experiences of Iraqi-Christians and other
Arab states, has worried not only Christians in Syria, but also in
neighboring Lebanon. The Maronite Church has loudly expressed its concerns
in the events in Syria in several occasions.13
While there may be a grain of truth in the argument that Christians in the
region are under threat, the assumption is inopportune. In some sectors of
society the Syrian regime has acquired a reputation of bravado and has won
itself considerable public following among Christians and other minority
communities. Yet this was not because it defended minorities against any
oppression, but because there already exists a considerably high level of
tolerance and coexistence among different ethnicities and confessional
groups in Syria; more, perhaps, than in any other country in the region.
At the end of the day, many Christians in Aleppo are more interested in
guaranteeing a dignified standard of life for themselves and for their
communities--economically, socially and politically. The days of passive
citizenship in Syria have come to an end, even for minorities.
What' next?
The situation in Syria is getting more mature each day. People are starting
to think beyond their narrow personal interests and benefits and started
caring about long-term and large- scale solutions. Once the situation
reaches its apogee, people in Aleppo will also understand that history and
memory are not exclusive to governments and politicians, but belong to the
whole population. Citizens will start to feel the importance of being a
part of the process, rather than following the impromptu judgments of
greedy businessmen and corrupt politicians.
With Aleppo beginning to revolt, it would appear naïve to implement the
same kind of drastic government solutions that were being put into practice
over a year ago in other Syrian cities and towns. That would only fasten a
very ugly departure for the regime and the country falling into chaos. The
sooner they step back from the road to hell, the more helpful it would be
for most of the parties in Syria. In either case, change is inevitable. It
is simply a matter of time.
1. Report on Sustainable Urban Development in Syria, October 2009,
published by Local Governance Ministry of Syria and GTZ (name changed later
to GIZ).
2. Aleppo's illiteracy rate is the second only to Deir ez Zour and Raqqa
according to Central Bureau of Statistics http://www.cbssyr.org/
We can cite the reference for the highest crime rates here:
http://www.shukumaku.com/PDA/Content.php?id=17036
3. See www.youtube.com/watch?v=2abQ8pDAeTQ
and http://syria-news.com/readnews.php?sy_seq=141693
4. See http://aliqtisadi.com/index.php?mode=article&id=22701
5. See http://aliqtisadi.com/index.php?mode=article&id=22341
6. See http://aliqtisadi.com/index.php?mode=article&id=21885
7. Ibid.
8. See http://aliqtisadi.com/index.php?mode=article&id941
9. See http://aliqtisadi.com/index.php?mode=article&id=22714
10. Lauren Williams, `Aleppo quiet and uneasy in aftermath of blast,' The
Daily Star, March 20, 2012,
http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Middle-East/2012/Mar-20/167269-aleppo-quiet-and-uneasy-in-aftermath-of-blast.ashx#axzz1pfALe8F2
11. See http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BVd-6_vG5iw
12. See the following links: http://theorthodoxchurch.info/main/?p=8469
http://www.dp-news.com/en/detail.aspx?articleid=84001
http://www.onenewsnow.com/Persecution/Default.aspx?id=1346594
http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/story/2012-05-09/syria-christians-crisis/54888144/1
13. See http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-bzd-AGZ-qU
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
By Harout Ekmanian, Near East Quarterly
http://www.neareastquarterly.com/index.php/2012/06/26/aleppo-in-the-syrian-uprising/
29 July 2012
Harout Ekmanian is a freelance journalist and lawyer from Aleppo.
The Second City
Since the Middle Ages, Aleppo has been a major trade and commerce hub for
the East Asia region. It was one of the three most important cities of the
Ottoman Empire, where European countries held consulates and
representatives dating back over 400 years, such as the consulate of the
Netherlands and the Republic of Venice. Early Christian pilgrims rested in
the hospitable caravanserais of the old city on their way to Jerusalem. Old
sculptures and carvings on the walls of the 750-year-old Sts. Forty Martyrs
Church in Aleppo state that the city was an important trade centre for the
Armenian merchants traveling on the Silk Road from the Far East to Europe
and vice versa.
Adding to its status as an economic beehive, Aleppo has always enjoyed a
rich variety of ethnic and confessional groups. However, after Syria's
independence from the Ottoman Empire Aleppo relinquished its leading role
in the region. The rise of Arab national sentiment that ignited the
independence movement between the two world wars required a more homogenous
Arabic city like Damascus, rather than the cosmopolitan Aleppo inhabited by
Turks, Kurds, Armenians, Circassians and other nationalities, as Arabs.
Adding to this, the cessation of Sanjak of Alexandrette (today Hatay
province) and its annexation to Turkey caused the city's loss of its direct
seaport, which was considered Aleppo's main link to the outside world.
Consequently, the regional role of Aleppo diminished both politically and
economically, but it largely remains an important game-changer in Syria.
>From independence to Bouazizi
After the independence of Syria from France large businesses, which were
passed through generations with indigenous traditions and rich experiences,
started to emerge. Politically, urban notables and important public figures
from Aleppo had formed a strong bloc in the Syrian parliament; they took
over several governments in the country. However, Gamal Abdul Nasser's
policy of nationalization during the short-lived union with Egypt (1958-61)
greatly damaged the endeavors of the Aleppian political and business class.
When Hafez al-Assad came to power, socialist policies were put at the top
of the government's agenda, and more people from the rural areas,
especially from the coastal countryside, were appointed to public posts in
favor of more educated urban citizens. This caused an escalated pace of
influx of people from the rural areas to the big cities, which couldn't
absorb the rapid social, cultural, economic and political changes. The
social injustice, the crippling economy and many other factors made Aleppo
a most dangerous hotbed of civil strife in the early '80s.
During the '80s and the '90s, as Syria's second largest city, Aleppo was
marginalized. Poor administration, bureaucracy and corruption left the city
underdeveloped and saw a shadow economy take root across Syria in general.
In addition to being local problems they were international, too.
During the last decade another dynamic spread its roots in the country.
President Bashar al-Assad's rule was marked by more liberal economic
policies. Nevertheless, the regime lacked political openness, transparency
and pluralism needed to achieve broad development goals. This was more
evident in Damascus and in Aleppo than elsewhere. The radical changes that
were taking place were similar to the neo-liberal policies of some Latin
American or ex-Soviet countries. Syria needed an in-depth infrastructural
development to rise from decades of setbacks that included the
nationalizing private businesses, foreign sanctions and blockades, bad
economic policy, more than a superficial modernism and facelift politics,
which left the impression the government was throwing sand in the eyes of
the people, rather than offer real reform.
As a consequence, social and cultural divisions cut deeper into society. It
is true that some internationally famous brands and companies began opening
stores in the major cities. However, these were mostly consumption-based
rather than production-based corporations. The gap between the rich and the
poor widened, whereas the middle class and small businesses, the backbone
of any developing country, suffered during the most difficult period since
the country's independence.
Reports by the German Organization for International Cooperation (GIZ) in
October 2009 showed that 40% of Aleppo's settlements1 are informal--one of
the highest figures in the Mediterranean region. According to annual
reports in local online media outlets, Aleppo had the highest rate of
illiteracy and crime among all Syrian governorates.2 All these facts were
signs of bigger problems looming on the horizon, but it lacked the spark
that came in 2011.
Aleppo in the wake of the Syrian revolt
In March 2011, the wind of change that stormed the Arab world reached
Syria. According to many Syrians, Aleppo was expected to be the first to
ignite in the wake of the Arab Spring. Nevertheless, the uprising in Syria
started in the rural areas, not big cities. Aleppo largely remained unmoved
until 2012, except for some protests at the Aleppo University and certain
impoverished neighborhoods for a few times.3 The reason behind this is that
the last time Aleppo challenged the authorities, in the early '80s, it
faced an iron fist. Besides, the business elite in the city, which control
much of the daily discourse, was also a part of the governmental policies
in the last few years and it was one of the classes which most benefited,
thanks to its multifaceted political and business ties with the regime.
The city largely avoided the bloodbath in other cities and towns. Even when
protests were held in the rural Aleppo area and some of its neighborhoods,
it didn't experience faced the same kind of brutal reaction as has been the
case in other parts of the country. However, when the Syrian uprising
turned more serious with the onset of Ramadan in late July 2011, Aleppo
started to suffer from oil, gas and electricity shortages. Syrian state
media and its quasi-state media backers used this phenomenon as a tool to
blast the `insurgents' who were blocking roads, cutting pipelines and
holding up oil tankers coming to Aleppo from Homs, Hama and the Syrian
coast. Meanwhile the opposition blamed the regime for fabricating the
energy crisis as fear propaganda. Just recently, the chamber of Industry of
Aleppo threatened the regime by organizing worker protests and `industrial
strikes' by closing their factories if the government applied the new rates
of electricity prices.4
The Aleppo Chamber of Commerce stated in its meetings in May 20125 that the
price of building materials had nearly doubled. The real estate rents have
also doubled. According to data provided from the central bureau of
statistics, the rise of inflation in one month (February 2012) was 6%,
whereas the rise of prices in the first quarter of 2012 was 60%.6 The rise
in prices between January 2011 and January 2012 was at 42%.7
Compared to 2005, the prices of food, medicine, clothing, transportation
have risen more than 72% overall in Syria. In Aleppo only, that number
reaches as high as 89%.8 Economic sanctions imposed on Syria by the EU,
Arab countries and Turkey, have played a huge role in the economic meltdown
of the country. The instability has also made a number of leading Syrian
businessmen, in different sectors, to taking flight to Jordan, the United
Arab Emirates and Egypt.9
More action in Aleppo
The business elite, who largely controlled the situation in the northern
city and worked hand in hand with the authorities to silence any movement
that could endanger their interests and their existence, have been put to
test and exposed as more efficient in theory than in practice.
The city was also shook by huge explosions in recent months,10 which
happened in summetry with Damascus blasts. If this was perpetrated by the
armed segments of the opposition (Free Syrian Army, Al-Qaida, Al-Nusra
Front and so forth) or if the regime's hand was behind these blasts, it
made one thing very clear: this was a near-formal blow to the remaining
vestiges of the illusive conviction that Aleppo would remain a safe haven
and come out of the uprising scot-free. The protest movement started to
find solid ground in Aleppo, too. First, in al-Fardos, then Souccari,
Shaar, Sayf al-Dawle, Marjeh, Ashrafiyyeh districts and most evidently at
the University of Aleppo, which was stormed, in May, by thousands of
students protesting the presence of the international observers.11
The Dilemma facing Aleppo's minorities
Christians in Syria have always enjoyed special advantages by undertaking a
pseudo-governmental role inside their communities. According to a report
published on the Syria Comment blog, the number of Christians in Aleppo is
under 100,000. Many analysts predict harsher days for Christians in the
future.12 As the situation in the more conservative countryside became more
heated, Christians became increasingly worried. The rise of fundamental
Islamist parties and their apparent control of power in other Arab
countries have raised great many questions for these communities. Gulf
States, namely Saudi Arabia and Qatar, have backed by proxy the more
radical Islamist and militarist segments of the opposition. Adding to that
fact, since the start of the turmoil, the regime hasn't missed any chance
to heavily underline the supposedly sectarian and extremist viewpoint held
by the opposition.
Christians who compose a major factor in the social, cultural and economic
fabric of Syria feel threatened by the uprising and the escalated violence
that has swept the country. The dilemma of not having a reliable option for
change and looking at the bitter experiences of Iraqi-Christians and other
Arab states, has worried not only Christians in Syria, but also in
neighboring Lebanon. The Maronite Church has loudly expressed its concerns
in the events in Syria in several occasions.13
While there may be a grain of truth in the argument that Christians in the
region are under threat, the assumption is inopportune. In some sectors of
society the Syrian regime has acquired a reputation of bravado and has won
itself considerable public following among Christians and other minority
communities. Yet this was not because it defended minorities against any
oppression, but because there already exists a considerably high level of
tolerance and coexistence among different ethnicities and confessional
groups in Syria; more, perhaps, than in any other country in the region.
At the end of the day, many Christians in Aleppo are more interested in
guaranteeing a dignified standard of life for themselves and for their
communities--economically, socially and politically. The days of passive
citizenship in Syria have come to an end, even for minorities.
What' next?
The situation in Syria is getting more mature each day. People are starting
to think beyond their narrow personal interests and benefits and started
caring about long-term and large- scale solutions. Once the situation
reaches its apogee, people in Aleppo will also understand that history and
memory are not exclusive to governments and politicians, but belong to the
whole population. Citizens will start to feel the importance of being a
part of the process, rather than following the impromptu judgments of
greedy businessmen and corrupt politicians.
With Aleppo beginning to revolt, it would appear naïve to implement the
same kind of drastic government solutions that were being put into practice
over a year ago in other Syrian cities and towns. That would only fasten a
very ugly departure for the regime and the country falling into chaos. The
sooner they step back from the road to hell, the more helpful it would be
for most of the parties in Syria. In either case, change is inevitable. It
is simply a matter of time.
1. Report on Sustainable Urban Development in Syria, October 2009,
published by Local Governance Ministry of Syria and GTZ (name changed later
to GIZ).
2. Aleppo's illiteracy rate is the second only to Deir ez Zour and Raqqa
according to Central Bureau of Statistics http://www.cbssyr.org/
We can cite the reference for the highest crime rates here:
http://www.shukumaku.com/PDA/Content.php?id=17036
3. See www.youtube.com/watch?v=2abQ8pDAeTQ
and http://syria-news.com/readnews.php?sy_seq=141693
4. See http://aliqtisadi.com/index.php?mode=article&id=22701
5. See http://aliqtisadi.com/index.php?mode=article&id=22341
6. See http://aliqtisadi.com/index.php?mode=article&id=21885
7. Ibid.
8. See http://aliqtisadi.com/index.php?mode=article&id941
9. See http://aliqtisadi.com/index.php?mode=article&id=22714
10. Lauren Williams, `Aleppo quiet and uneasy in aftermath of blast,' The
Daily Star, March 20, 2012,
http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Middle-East/2012/Mar-20/167269-aleppo-quiet-and-uneasy-in-aftermath-of-blast.ashx#axzz1pfALe8F2
11. See http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BVd-6_vG5iw
12. See the following links: http://theorthodoxchurch.info/main/?p=8469
http://www.dp-news.com/en/detail.aspx?articleid=84001
http://www.onenewsnow.com/Persecution/Default.aspx?id=1346594
http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/story/2012-05-09/syria-christians-crisis/54888144/1
13. See http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-bzd-AGZ-qU
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress