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BAKU: Azeri authorities "disunited" in run-up to polls - oppositiond

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  • BAKU: Azeri authorities "disunited" in run-up to polls - oppositiond

    Azeri authorities "disunited" in run-up to polls - opposition daily

    Azadliq, Baku
    15 Jun 05

    The Azerbaijani authorities are fragmented and are unlikely to agree
    on joint candidates during the November parliamentary elections, the
    opposition daily Azadliq has reported. The newspaper listed several
    groups within the authorities saying that they will strive for seats
    in parliament. This situation "does not bode well for the
    authorities", the report said. The following is the text of Sucaddin
    Sarifov report by Azerbaijani newspaper Azadliq on 15 June headlined
    "The authorities are disunited ahead of the elections" and subheaded
    "The lack of will and infighting between various groups casts doubts
    on the joint list of the authorities' candidates". Subheadings as
    published:

    The November parliamentary elections do not bode well for the
    government. In terms of many factors related to the elections, they
    are quite different from the previous elections.

    The opposition has already fulfilled one of the conditions deemed
    necessary for succeeding in the elections. The People's Front of
    Azerbaijan Party [PFAP], the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan [DPA] and
    the Musavat Party - all publicly and internationally recognized as
    the major opposition parties - have set up the Azadliq bloc. The
    majority of the public supports the bloc and the three parties will
    put forward joint candidates in the elections.

    Another important condition for ensuring that the elections are
    democratic was to attract the attention of the international
    community to the elections. The situation in this regard is also
    drastically different from what was the case several years ago.
    Serious international reaction to the authorities' violence against
    peaceful demonstrators on 21 May showed that attention to Azerbaijan
    has soared compared with previous years.

    Another advantages of the opposition is that there is a rather weak
    and spineless leader at the helm of the authorities and this casts
    doubts on the authorities' ability to run joint candidates in the
    elections. The first signs that the authorities will be disunited
    during the elections can already be seen. The current situation gives
    grounds to say that it is difficult not only for the authorities as a
    whole, but even for the ruling New Azerbaijan Party [NAP] to run
    joint candidates. This is being openly admitted.

    In a recent interview with a newspaper, the executive secretary of
    the NAP, Ali Ahmadov, pointed out that there were some problems with
    the NAP putting forward a list of candidates for the elections. He
    did not rule out that there may be several NAP candidates from one
    precinct and hoped that the voting would resolve the ensuing
    problems. It must also be noted that there are many ambitious groups
    which back the government and pin their hopes on the levers available
    to the authorities.

    Ramiz Mehdiyev's group

    One of such groups comprises people who are backed by the head of the
    presidential administration, Ramiz Mehdiyev. Most of people in this
    group have set up election blocs in accordance with the spheres in
    which they work. One of the reasons why these people will run
    separate blocs in the elections is to create the impression of
    diversity in the future parliament.

    The leader of the group, Ramiz Mehdiyev, controls most of the
    government bodies, including the NAP. There are few districts in
    Azerbaijan in which the head of the district executive authorities or
    the local NAP boss is not known for being close to Mehdiyev.

    Group of Aliyev and the Pasayevs

    Another group determined to get the majority of the seats in
    parliament is the one led by [Azerbaijani President Ilham] Aliyev and
    the Pasayevs [relatives of the president's wife]. Although Aliyev is
    formally the head of state, it is unlikely that all the candidates of
    the authorities will be chosen on the basis of his wishes. Probably,
    the president will have to reckon with the major powers within the
    authorities. However, this does not mean that Ilham Aliyev, his wife
    Mehriban Aliyeva, who has started to exert serious influence on
    political processes, and her father Arif Pasayev will remain mere
    onlookers. According to incoming reports, the people in question are
    determined to secure seats for themselves in parliament and are also
    preparing to run their own candidates in the elections. Admittedly,
    this group, too, is capable of exerting serious influence on the
    processes within the authorities and will try to get the results they
    want from the elections.

    Group of western Azerbaijanis

    The third force, which does not lag behind the first two neither in
    terms of resources, nor in terms of ambitions, is the grouping of
    western Azerbaijanis. It is led by Azerbaijani state officials who
    were born in western Azerbaijan [Armenia]. The group is currently
    under serious attack from Mehdiyev.

    It seems that this group, too, has chosen taking control of the
    parliament as a means of defending and maintaining its positions
    within the authorities. The group enjoys major support in both the
    NAP and districts, although it lags behind Ramiz Mehdiyev in this
    regard.

    Group of ministers with special status

    There are several ministers within the government who have special
    status. It appears that they, too, are seriously interested in the
    elections. [Minister of Economic Development] Farhad Aliyev,
    [Transport Minister] Ziya Mammadov, [MP and Ilham Aliyev's uncle]
    Calal Aliyev and [Chairman of the State Customs Committee] Kamaladdin
    Heydarov are among them. There are reports that these people will
    support certain candidates in the elections. They will not run a
    candidate in each precinct, but their candidates will have enough
    resources to carry out a major election campaign.

    Group of government supporters

    In addition to the groups mentioned above, there are numerous
    pro-government parties which back the position of the government.
    They, too, want to be represented in parliament and hope for help
    from the government during the elections. In turn, the government
    needs to support them to create an impression of multiparty elections
    and to reward them for being pro-government.

    In such a situation and with four months left till the elections, it
    looks improbable that the groupings within the authorities will reach
    a consensus. Ilham Aliyev's will is not strong enough, nor does the
    bitterness of rivalry between the groupings allow that.

    What awaits the authorities?

    This situation does not bode well for the authorities because it is
    unlikely that Ilham Aliyev will be able to put one of the groupings
    within the authorities in its place. Nobody would like to see a group
    wielding reasonable financial resources opposing him in the run-up to
    the elections. Aliyev may, as Ali Ahmadov said, let the elections
    decide the outcome. This will divide the votes cast for the
    authorities, who have already fallen into disrepute, and will
    reinforce the fight between the groupings within the authorities.

    Ilham Aliyev has limited capability to change the situation. It seems
    that this is the main reason why Ilham Aliyev rejected proposals to
    change the composition of electoral commissions. It is because he
    hopes that the elections will be rigged.
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