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THE PERPETUAL 'OTHER': NISANYAN DISCUSSES COURT SENTENCE, MINORITY POLITICS IN TURKEY
By Nanore Barsoumian
http://www.armenianweekly.com/2013/06/04/the-perpetual-other-nisanyan-discusses-court-sentence-minority-politics-in-turkey/
June 4, 2013
On May 22, Turkish-Armenian columnist Sevan Nisanyan was sentenced
to more than 13 months in jail for a blog post he wrote in September
2012. The Istanbul court found Nisanyan guilty of "publicly insulting
the religious values of part of the population" for having written:
"Mocking an Arab leader who centuries ago claimed to have contacted
God and made political, financial, and sexual benefits out of this
is not a crime of hatred. It is an almost kidergarten-level case of
what we call freedom of expression."
Sevan Nisanyan (Photo by Iris Nisanyan) Nisanyan's statement was in
response to proposed "hate crime" bills in Turkey following the release
of "The Innocence of Muslims," a controversial film denigrating the
Prophet Muhammad, which gave rise to demonstrations around the World,
and in some cases resulted in injuries and deaths.
Over the years, Nisanyan has remained defiant in the face of death
threats, court cases, and hate mail. In 2010, the alleged coup
plot known as Operation Sledgehammer specified eight targets for
assassination, including Nisanyan and three other Armenians: Hrant
Dink, Etyen Mahcupyan, and Archbishop Mesrob Mutafyan. An entrepreneur,
Nisanyan has faced demolition orders and over two dozen criminal
charges--carrying 50 years in prison--for his hotels in Sirince,
Izmir. In 2010, his comments on the Armenian Genocide during a
television program were followed by the suspension of the station that
aired the show. The order came from the Radio and Television Supreme
Council (RTUK), which found that the comments "humiliated the Republic
of Turkey." Two years later, RTUK fined CNN Turk for comments made
by Nisanyan that were found to be "insulting and injurious"--once
again in the context of the film, "The Innocence of Muslims."
The recipient of the 2004 Freedom of Thought Award by Turkey's
Human Rights Association, Nisanyan wears many hats. Aside from his
involvement in journalism and the hotel business, he has published
a widely popular guidebook to small hotels in Turkey. As a linguist,
his research on the old and new names of places in Turkey yielded a
book and an online toponymical index.
In the following interview with the Armenian Weekly, conducted on June
3, Nisanyan discusses the recent court sentence, freedom of expression,
minority politics, and his struggle to define himself.
***
Nanore Barsoumian--What prompted your reaction to the proposed laws
on hate speech following the controversial film, "The Innocence
of Muslims?"
Sevan Nisanyan--Let me make it clear that my article was not about the
truth or falsity of Muhammad's prophet-hood. I'd find that childish.
My article was about the right to question the truth of Muhammad's
prophecy. Some people may think Muhammad was an impostor, or a bad
moral example, a joke, or whatever. Do they have the right to say so
openly and without fear? That is the issue.
Last autumn, several people very close to the prime minister [Recep
Tayyip Erdogan] started pontificating loudly on the need for a
"Hate Speech Law" curtailing disrespect of religious values. I found
that extremely worrying. Prime Minister Erdogan has grown fond of
legislating Islamic morality on issues like abortion, adultery,
alcoholic drinks, religious education, and blasphemy. I thought it
was a cheap shot to equate "hate speech" with "anti-Islamic speech,"
and I felt somebody must stand up and say this.
N.B.--How would you define hate speech?
S.N.--I believe freedom of speech is a paramount value. Criminalizing
"hate speech" means limiting that freedom. It can be legitimate only
if it concerns expressions that directly and tangibly endanger the
rights, the liberty, and the security of some individuals or groups.
Hate speech is only a threat if it actually puts some people in peril.
It is silly to talk about criminal hate speech where the object of
hate is powerful majorities or dominant ideas.
N.B.--Have you also been critical of other religions or religious
figures?
S.N.--I am not in the habit of discussing religious belief. Clearly
people hold all sorts of irrational beliefs, and it is a waste of
time to try to disabuse them of their faith. Religious belief only
becomes fair game when it tries to impose itself by force or by
legal subterfuge.
N.B.--In February 2012, tens of thousands of people gathered in Taksim
Square in Istanbul for anti-Armenian protests. Some of the signs and
slogans included, "You are all Armenians, you are all bastards." Among
the speakers at the rally was Interior Minister Idris Naim Sahin. Are
prosecutions based on hate speech applied across the board, or are
they reserved for certain issues?
S.N.-- Mr. Sahin was something of a loose cannon, and he was fired
because of that. But it is true that all sorts of outrageous libel
is considered acceptable in this country, so long as the libeler
is part of established power and the libelee is in the minority,
whether religious, ethnic, sexual, or lifestyle-related.
I don't believe anyone has ever been prosecuted in Turkey for
advocating the murder, mayhem, or massacre of Armenians, Jews, Kurds,
atheists, gays, or liberals. Thousands, on the other hand, were
prosecuted and convicted in the past for "insulting Turkishness" under
the notorious Article 301 of the penal code. Now, "insulting Islam"
seems to be replacing that old juggernaut as a favorite instrument
to hit dissidents with.
N.B.--Back in October, before a criminal case was launched, Deputy
Prime Minister Bekir Bozdag said, "Swearing and insults can never be
assumed as opinion. Only ill-spirited people show such delirium...it
is a crime defined within the Turkish Penal Code. If [the prosecutors]
haven't yet, then I'm denouncing it from here: I'm announcing a crime.
This is a typical hate crime. It is hate crime and it is a crime that
is defined in our penal code." Why would a government official make
such a statement?
S.N.--Mr. Bozdag is a mouthpiece of the prime minister. His comments
are usually taken to represent the views of his boss. I believe that,
after 11 years in office, Mr. Erdogan has become over-confident of
his power. I find that disturbing, and even potentially dangerous.
N.B.--You also received criticism from within the Armenian community.
Bishop Sahag Masalyan from Istanbul reportedly said your statement
was provocative and offended societal peace. There have been other
voices of criticism as well. How do you read that?
S.N.-- Caution is second nature to most Armenians in this country. One
cannot blame them, I suppose.
I have no pretense of representing the Armenian community, or even a
segment or subset of the Armenian community. I represent myself and
nothing else. So it is a little pathetic that the Armenian Church
feels obliged to comment on my conduct just because I happen to have
a surname that ends with "yan."
N.B.--You are often at the center of controversy in Turkey. Why is
it that you are constantly pushing boundaries?
S.N.--It is fun. I enjoy it. I also think that I am performing a
useful social service.
N.B.--As a writer, a commentator, a member of a group that has
suffered persecution in those lands, how do you view your role,
and how do you define yourself?
S.N.-- A few months ago I published my autobiography, whose dominant
theme was my lifelong inability to define myself. I don't like to
define myself. I like being the perpetual "other."
I suppose being Armenian contributed at least partly to that attitude.
I lived in the States for 10 years; with Yale and Columbia degrees,
I think I had a bright academic career ahead of me. But I never felt
at home in America. I feel perfectly at home in a country where most
people would rather see me go. A paradox? I don't think so. I like
the precariousness of my situation. I think I contribute a lot to
the society I live in.
I am glad to say, a lot of people here seem to appreciate this. Some
50,000 people follow my blog and Twitter accounts. My books sell well.
My etymological dictionary is now recognized as the standard work of
reference in its field. My village, Å~^irince, prospers, largely thanks
to me. My hotel is probably the most widely admired in the country. I
build architectural follies as I fancy; I am increasingly commissioned
to build them for third parties, too. What else could one want?
By Nanore Barsoumian
http://www.armenianweekly.com/2013/06/04/the-perpetual-other-nisanyan-discusses-court-sentence-minority-politics-in-turkey/
June 4, 2013
On May 22, Turkish-Armenian columnist Sevan Nisanyan was sentenced
to more than 13 months in jail for a blog post he wrote in September
2012. The Istanbul court found Nisanyan guilty of "publicly insulting
the religious values of part of the population" for having written:
"Mocking an Arab leader who centuries ago claimed to have contacted
God and made political, financial, and sexual benefits out of this
is not a crime of hatred. It is an almost kidergarten-level case of
what we call freedom of expression."
Sevan Nisanyan (Photo by Iris Nisanyan) Nisanyan's statement was in
response to proposed "hate crime" bills in Turkey following the release
of "The Innocence of Muslims," a controversial film denigrating the
Prophet Muhammad, which gave rise to demonstrations around the World,
and in some cases resulted in injuries and deaths.
Over the years, Nisanyan has remained defiant in the face of death
threats, court cases, and hate mail. In 2010, the alleged coup
plot known as Operation Sledgehammer specified eight targets for
assassination, including Nisanyan and three other Armenians: Hrant
Dink, Etyen Mahcupyan, and Archbishop Mesrob Mutafyan. An entrepreneur,
Nisanyan has faced demolition orders and over two dozen criminal
charges--carrying 50 years in prison--for his hotels in Sirince,
Izmir. In 2010, his comments on the Armenian Genocide during a
television program were followed by the suspension of the station that
aired the show. The order came from the Radio and Television Supreme
Council (RTUK), which found that the comments "humiliated the Republic
of Turkey." Two years later, RTUK fined CNN Turk for comments made
by Nisanyan that were found to be "insulting and injurious"--once
again in the context of the film, "The Innocence of Muslims."
The recipient of the 2004 Freedom of Thought Award by Turkey's
Human Rights Association, Nisanyan wears many hats. Aside from his
involvement in journalism and the hotel business, he has published
a widely popular guidebook to small hotels in Turkey. As a linguist,
his research on the old and new names of places in Turkey yielded a
book and an online toponymical index.
In the following interview with the Armenian Weekly, conducted on June
3, Nisanyan discusses the recent court sentence, freedom of expression,
minority politics, and his struggle to define himself.
***
Nanore Barsoumian--What prompted your reaction to the proposed laws
on hate speech following the controversial film, "The Innocence
of Muslims?"
Sevan Nisanyan--Let me make it clear that my article was not about the
truth or falsity of Muhammad's prophet-hood. I'd find that childish.
My article was about the right to question the truth of Muhammad's
prophecy. Some people may think Muhammad was an impostor, or a bad
moral example, a joke, or whatever. Do they have the right to say so
openly and without fear? That is the issue.
Last autumn, several people very close to the prime minister [Recep
Tayyip Erdogan] started pontificating loudly on the need for a
"Hate Speech Law" curtailing disrespect of religious values. I found
that extremely worrying. Prime Minister Erdogan has grown fond of
legislating Islamic morality on issues like abortion, adultery,
alcoholic drinks, religious education, and blasphemy. I thought it
was a cheap shot to equate "hate speech" with "anti-Islamic speech,"
and I felt somebody must stand up and say this.
N.B.--How would you define hate speech?
S.N.--I believe freedom of speech is a paramount value. Criminalizing
"hate speech" means limiting that freedom. It can be legitimate only
if it concerns expressions that directly and tangibly endanger the
rights, the liberty, and the security of some individuals or groups.
Hate speech is only a threat if it actually puts some people in peril.
It is silly to talk about criminal hate speech where the object of
hate is powerful majorities or dominant ideas.
N.B.--Have you also been critical of other religions or religious
figures?
S.N.--I am not in the habit of discussing religious belief. Clearly
people hold all sorts of irrational beliefs, and it is a waste of
time to try to disabuse them of their faith. Religious belief only
becomes fair game when it tries to impose itself by force or by
legal subterfuge.
N.B.--In February 2012, tens of thousands of people gathered in Taksim
Square in Istanbul for anti-Armenian protests. Some of the signs and
slogans included, "You are all Armenians, you are all bastards." Among
the speakers at the rally was Interior Minister Idris Naim Sahin. Are
prosecutions based on hate speech applied across the board, or are
they reserved for certain issues?
S.N.-- Mr. Sahin was something of a loose cannon, and he was fired
because of that. But it is true that all sorts of outrageous libel
is considered acceptable in this country, so long as the libeler
is part of established power and the libelee is in the minority,
whether religious, ethnic, sexual, or lifestyle-related.
I don't believe anyone has ever been prosecuted in Turkey for
advocating the murder, mayhem, or massacre of Armenians, Jews, Kurds,
atheists, gays, or liberals. Thousands, on the other hand, were
prosecuted and convicted in the past for "insulting Turkishness" under
the notorious Article 301 of the penal code. Now, "insulting Islam"
seems to be replacing that old juggernaut as a favorite instrument
to hit dissidents with.
N.B.--Back in October, before a criminal case was launched, Deputy
Prime Minister Bekir Bozdag said, "Swearing and insults can never be
assumed as opinion. Only ill-spirited people show such delirium...it
is a crime defined within the Turkish Penal Code. If [the prosecutors]
haven't yet, then I'm denouncing it from here: I'm announcing a crime.
This is a typical hate crime. It is hate crime and it is a crime that
is defined in our penal code." Why would a government official make
such a statement?
S.N.--Mr. Bozdag is a mouthpiece of the prime minister. His comments
are usually taken to represent the views of his boss. I believe that,
after 11 years in office, Mr. Erdogan has become over-confident of
his power. I find that disturbing, and even potentially dangerous.
N.B.--You also received criticism from within the Armenian community.
Bishop Sahag Masalyan from Istanbul reportedly said your statement
was provocative and offended societal peace. There have been other
voices of criticism as well. How do you read that?
S.N.-- Caution is second nature to most Armenians in this country. One
cannot blame them, I suppose.
I have no pretense of representing the Armenian community, or even a
segment or subset of the Armenian community. I represent myself and
nothing else. So it is a little pathetic that the Armenian Church
feels obliged to comment on my conduct just because I happen to have
a surname that ends with "yan."
N.B.--You are often at the center of controversy in Turkey. Why is
it that you are constantly pushing boundaries?
S.N.--It is fun. I enjoy it. I also think that I am performing a
useful social service.
N.B.--As a writer, a commentator, a member of a group that has
suffered persecution in those lands, how do you view your role,
and how do you define yourself?
S.N.-- A few months ago I published my autobiography, whose dominant
theme was my lifelong inability to define myself. I don't like to
define myself. I like being the perpetual "other."
I suppose being Armenian contributed at least partly to that attitude.
I lived in the States for 10 years; with Yale and Columbia degrees,
I think I had a bright academic career ahead of me. But I never felt
at home in America. I feel perfectly at home in a country where most
people would rather see me go. A paradox? I don't think so. I like
the precariousness of my situation. I think I contribute a lot to
the society I live in.
I am glad to say, a lot of people here seem to appreciate this. Some
50,000 people follow my blog and Twitter accounts. My books sell well.
My etymological dictionary is now recognized as the standard work of
reference in its field. My village, Å~^irince, prospers, largely thanks
to me. My hotel is probably the most widely admired in the country. I
build architectural follies as I fancy; I am increasingly commissioned
to build them for third parties, too. What else could one want?