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WILL SPRING ARRIVE IN ARMENIA BEFORE WINTER?
Today's Zaman, Turkey
Aug 7 2013
by Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu*
7 August 2013 /
The economic woes plaguing Armenia have contributed greatly to the
development of the Armenian culture of protest. With every passing day,
Armenians have begun to become more informed and to see in themselves
the real ability to run and direct their own country. And so, for
the first time ever in this post-Soviet era, Armenians are really
realizing the importance of reckoning with the leaders and oligarchs
who are running the country.
Over the course of the past two months, there have been a series of
topics -- all of which have had economic troubles at their roots --
that have been the focus of some very interesting protests. In May,
protests started after announcements of increased fees for natural gas
purchased from Russia; these protests then increased in proportion
to the increases in costs in other areas announced by the Armenian
administration. While Yerevan began to pursue a range of alternative
plans following the natural gas crisis with Russia, plans made in
the Armenian capital to engage in an energy barter with Iran --
giving electricity in exchange for natural gas -- were backed away
from after it was determined that Russia would not be happy about this.
When Armenians were then informed of 30 percent increases in
electricity costs before they had even had time to get over the
60 percent hikes in natural gas prices, tensions rose throughout
the country. Many opposition party fronts, like the Pan-Armenian
National Movement and the Heritage party, took to the streets to
underscore the point that the needs of Armenians are more important
than Russian interests. And when the people poured into the streets
to protest the government, the authorities, surprised in the face
of these unexpected protests, did step back. The national atmosphere
softened when the authorities promised that cost increases in energy
would be made gradually and in low amounts and that Armenians would
also be able to take advantage of assistance from the state.
The implementation of fee increases
Still trying to solve the country's considerable energy needs, the
government decided to implement fee increases in a range of different
areas. This time around, following the protests centered on natural
gas and electricity costs, protesters from the Karabakh region began to
fill the city squares. Complaining about poor living standards and that
the government was not taking an interest in them, protesters accused
the Karabakh-rooted Armenian authorities of treason against the nation.
Protester Hacatur Hacaturyan asserted that while the country's leaders
had at one time fought on the same front as the nation, they had now
forgotten their once-comrades-in-arms and had brought Karabakh to
the national agenda for the purpose of their own interests. Another
protester, Volodya Avetisyan, who was an army reserve brigadier,
said the thousands of other fighters from Karabakh would be prepared,
if necessary, to fight against this Armenian administration.
And so by now, the agenda was focused on the failed leadership of
the country by an unskilled administration. Just as the nation had
been looking at some of its very real problems, an announcement of fee
hikes in the area of mass transportation set the tension levels in the
national atmosphere even higher. The Yerevan Municipality, declaring
that bus fares would go from 50 to 100 drams and that minibus fares
would rise from 100 to 150 drams, said that this decision had been
made to help increase the quality of mass transportation services.
Now, the chain of fee increases that had begun with natural gas fee
hikes was showing up in every area of life for Armenians. Thousands of
people, whose socio-political movements were organized over various
social media platforms, moved into action just a few hours after the
latest fee hike announcements were made in the hopes of forcing the
Yerevan Municipality to reverse its decision. The capital's city
squares filled with angry protesters as people declared that not
only did they not recognize the latest fare increases, but that they
would not be riding mass transportation vehicles at all in the times
to come. The protest movement, called "We will not pay 150 drams,"
quickly attracted thousands of supporters. And with protests that
lasted seven days, for the first time in Armenian history, a civilian
movement was successful in getting a city municipality to shelve a
decision on fee increases.
During the same period of time, another protest, called the Free
Vehicle movement, represented a different sort of first for the
country. The Free Vehicle movement saw taxi drivers and private
car owners working to transport protesters refusing to ride mass
transportation vehicles to wherever they wanted for free.
The '150 Dram' protests
The "150 Dram" protests -- which for the first time ever saw the
questioning of the oligarchy and the calling for punishment of
bureaucrats who were unfairly profiting from their own interests --
brought about another interesting situation. During these protests,
it was revealed that the head of the Transportation Department of
the Yerevan Municipality, one Henrik Navasardian, was in fact the
owner of a bus line, and certain figures in parliament were owners
of various taxi and private bus lines.
It was simultaneously revealed that Navasardian's bus line, Dyako-Art,
was legally owned by his 22-year-old son Andranik, and that the prime
responsibility for the running of this company lay with his relative,
Artak Navasardian. While details of the situation began to trickle
out, various media organs began looking into the incredible level of
investments held by Armenian bureaucrats like Navasardian, asserting
that while this situation might in fact be somewhat acceptable, the
insistence by Navasardian and other members of the ruling elite on
new fare increases would not be accepted by the people of the country.
When details were further revealed that another of Navasardian's sons,
Davit Navasardian, was the owner of Motion Time, a company providing
advertising services for mass transportation vehicles in Armenia,
the situation took on scandalous proportions. Even now, throughout
Armenia, protests are still ongoing, calling for the resignation of
the current oligarchy.
The Armenians, calling for the resignation of not only Prime Minister
Tigran Sarksyan but also many mayors and government ministers,
may turn to a number of different options if their leaders maintain
their level of failure and economic problems. If the energy crisis
in particular remains in place until wintertime, it seems clear that
many different and new types of protests might be seen in Armenia in
the time to come, though there is also great curiosity as to what
sorts of reactions the protests will elicit not only from Armenian
President Serzh Sarksyan, who has amassed his own fortunes, but also
from other top leadership figures.
*Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu is a strategic outlook expert on the Caucasus.
http://www.todayszaman.com/newsDetail_getNewsById.action;jsessionid=78B36B295 D2AB425AC2F00CD26811408?newsId=323036&columnistId= 0
Today's Zaman, Turkey
Aug 7 2013
by Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu*
7 August 2013 /
The economic woes plaguing Armenia have contributed greatly to the
development of the Armenian culture of protest. With every passing day,
Armenians have begun to become more informed and to see in themselves
the real ability to run and direct their own country. And so, for
the first time ever in this post-Soviet era, Armenians are really
realizing the importance of reckoning with the leaders and oligarchs
who are running the country.
Over the course of the past two months, there have been a series of
topics -- all of which have had economic troubles at their roots --
that have been the focus of some very interesting protests. In May,
protests started after announcements of increased fees for natural gas
purchased from Russia; these protests then increased in proportion
to the increases in costs in other areas announced by the Armenian
administration. While Yerevan began to pursue a range of alternative
plans following the natural gas crisis with Russia, plans made in
the Armenian capital to engage in an energy barter with Iran --
giving electricity in exchange for natural gas -- were backed away
from after it was determined that Russia would not be happy about this.
When Armenians were then informed of 30 percent increases in
electricity costs before they had even had time to get over the
60 percent hikes in natural gas prices, tensions rose throughout
the country. Many opposition party fronts, like the Pan-Armenian
National Movement and the Heritage party, took to the streets to
underscore the point that the needs of Armenians are more important
than Russian interests. And when the people poured into the streets
to protest the government, the authorities, surprised in the face
of these unexpected protests, did step back. The national atmosphere
softened when the authorities promised that cost increases in energy
would be made gradually and in low amounts and that Armenians would
also be able to take advantage of assistance from the state.
The implementation of fee increases
Still trying to solve the country's considerable energy needs, the
government decided to implement fee increases in a range of different
areas. This time around, following the protests centered on natural
gas and electricity costs, protesters from the Karabakh region began to
fill the city squares. Complaining about poor living standards and that
the government was not taking an interest in them, protesters accused
the Karabakh-rooted Armenian authorities of treason against the nation.
Protester Hacatur Hacaturyan asserted that while the country's leaders
had at one time fought on the same front as the nation, they had now
forgotten their once-comrades-in-arms and had brought Karabakh to
the national agenda for the purpose of their own interests. Another
protester, Volodya Avetisyan, who was an army reserve brigadier,
said the thousands of other fighters from Karabakh would be prepared,
if necessary, to fight against this Armenian administration.
And so by now, the agenda was focused on the failed leadership of
the country by an unskilled administration. Just as the nation had
been looking at some of its very real problems, an announcement of fee
hikes in the area of mass transportation set the tension levels in the
national atmosphere even higher. The Yerevan Municipality, declaring
that bus fares would go from 50 to 100 drams and that minibus fares
would rise from 100 to 150 drams, said that this decision had been
made to help increase the quality of mass transportation services.
Now, the chain of fee increases that had begun with natural gas fee
hikes was showing up in every area of life for Armenians. Thousands of
people, whose socio-political movements were organized over various
social media platforms, moved into action just a few hours after the
latest fee hike announcements were made in the hopes of forcing the
Yerevan Municipality to reverse its decision. The capital's city
squares filled with angry protesters as people declared that not
only did they not recognize the latest fare increases, but that they
would not be riding mass transportation vehicles at all in the times
to come. The protest movement, called "We will not pay 150 drams,"
quickly attracted thousands of supporters. And with protests that
lasted seven days, for the first time in Armenian history, a civilian
movement was successful in getting a city municipality to shelve a
decision on fee increases.
During the same period of time, another protest, called the Free
Vehicle movement, represented a different sort of first for the
country. The Free Vehicle movement saw taxi drivers and private
car owners working to transport protesters refusing to ride mass
transportation vehicles to wherever they wanted for free.
The '150 Dram' protests
The "150 Dram" protests -- which for the first time ever saw the
questioning of the oligarchy and the calling for punishment of
bureaucrats who were unfairly profiting from their own interests --
brought about another interesting situation. During these protests,
it was revealed that the head of the Transportation Department of
the Yerevan Municipality, one Henrik Navasardian, was in fact the
owner of a bus line, and certain figures in parliament were owners
of various taxi and private bus lines.
It was simultaneously revealed that Navasardian's bus line, Dyako-Art,
was legally owned by his 22-year-old son Andranik, and that the prime
responsibility for the running of this company lay with his relative,
Artak Navasardian. While details of the situation began to trickle
out, various media organs began looking into the incredible level of
investments held by Armenian bureaucrats like Navasardian, asserting
that while this situation might in fact be somewhat acceptable, the
insistence by Navasardian and other members of the ruling elite on
new fare increases would not be accepted by the people of the country.
When details were further revealed that another of Navasardian's sons,
Davit Navasardian, was the owner of Motion Time, a company providing
advertising services for mass transportation vehicles in Armenia,
the situation took on scandalous proportions. Even now, throughout
Armenia, protests are still ongoing, calling for the resignation of
the current oligarchy.
The Armenians, calling for the resignation of not only Prime Minister
Tigran Sarksyan but also many mayors and government ministers,
may turn to a number of different options if their leaders maintain
their level of failure and economic problems. If the energy crisis
in particular remains in place until wintertime, it seems clear that
many different and new types of protests might be seen in Armenia in
the time to come, though there is also great curiosity as to what
sorts of reactions the protests will elicit not only from Armenian
President Serzh Sarksyan, who has amassed his own fortunes, but also
from other top leadership figures.
*Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu is a strategic outlook expert on the Caucasus.
http://www.todayszaman.com/newsDetail_getNewsById.action;jsessionid=78B36B295 D2AB425AC2F00CD26811408?newsId=323036&columnistId= 0