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GEOPOLITICS TRUMP RELIGION IN IRAN-AZERBAIJAN RELATIONS
August 7, 2013By Caroline Farris
editor
http://thediplomat.com/the-editor/2013/08/07/geopolitics-trump-religion-in-iran-azerbaijan-relations/?print=yes
Despite Iran's sizeable Azeri population, and their shared Shi'a faith,
bilateral relations remain fraught.
Image credit:flickr/ Eliza_Tasbihi Iran's Azeri population is emerging
as a critical voting bloc in Iranian elections.
Ethnic Azeris in Iran may receive less fanfare than the Iranian Kurds,
yet they play an increasingly important role in Iran's political
process. Not only is Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei of Azeri
descent, but Azeris have emerged as a critical voting bloc in Iranian
presidential elections. Indeed, Iran's two most recent presidents,
Hassan Rouhani and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, have both garnered strong
support from Iran's Azeri provinces, winning East and West Azerbaijan,
along with Ardabil and Zanjan.
Azeris are descendants of the Oghuz Turks who migrated to the Caucasus
Mountains and northwestern Iran in the 11th century from Central Asia.
During this time, many areas of the Persian Empire experienced an
influx of Turkish immigrants. Although many of Iran's inhabitants
remained Persian, others adopted the Turkic language. As such, there
is a good deal of cultural overlap between the Iranian Azeris and
their Persian countrymen. While both are Shi'a, Azeris in Iran tend
to be more secular; a trait shared with Azeris living in the Republic
of Azerbaijan. Although intermarriage and a fluid border have made
precise counting difficult, Azeris are believed to comprise just
under a third of Iran's population.
Despite Iran's sizeable Azeri population-and indeed, in part because
of it- Iran's relationship with neighboring Azerbaijan has been
fraught since Azerbaijan gained independence from the Soviet Union
in 1991. Shortly after the Republic of Azerbaijan was established,
its first President Abulfaz Elchibey called for unifying Azerbaijani
Iran with the new Republic. Iran's President at the time, Akbar Hashemi
Rafsanjani, was less than thrilled by this gesture and feared that it
could sew dissention and secessionism within Iran's borders. Relations
weren't helped by Elchibey's pro-Turkey bent and vehement secularism.
Thus, Tehran has struggled to woo Baku since its formation. Despite
being the first country to establish full diplomatic relations with
the Republic of Azerbaijan, repeated attempts to solidify working
relations have been thwarted. Multiple points of contention cause Baku
to balk at the kind of relationship Tehran is so keen to establish.
For instance, Baku detests Iran's treatment of its Azeri population
and remains bitter over Tehran's decision to align with Armenia in
the Nagorno-Karabakh War.
Partly as a result, Azerbaijan has always maintained ties to Iran's
regional rival Israel, and this appear to be increasing. In February
of 2012, for instance, Azerbaijan signed a US$1.6 billion defense
deal with Israel, which included provisions for Baku to purchase
intelligence hardware, air defense systems, and unmanned aerial
vehicles from Israel. While this substantial arms purchase is not an
immediate threat to Iran, it underscores just how much Azerbaijan is
aligning with Israel. One of Iran's top priorities in dealing with
Azerbaijan is to undercut its relationship with Israel, especially
amid reports that Azerbaijan has granted Israel access to an airfield
near the Iranian border.
Another factor hindering ties between Iran and Azerbaijan is
the extensive smuggling networks inside Iran. Azerbaijan has been
especially sensitive to the narcotics entering its borders via Iran,
although this is likely conducted by non-state actors. Moreover, as
international sanctions against Tehran have tightened, the lure of
untold profits has resulted in many Iranian state actors-particularly
the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps- expanding their black market
smuggling activities.
The Iran-Armenia and Azeri-Israeli relationships show the foundation
of such political alliances to be purely pragmatic. From a strictly
sectarian standpoint, Iran and Azerbaijan's shared Shi'a ties would
make them close allies. Yet Iran has backed a Christian nation against
Azerbaijan, while the latter has cozied up to Israel. In a neighborhood
where it is impossible to keep your enemies closer than your friends,
the Supreme Leader's Azeri blood may not be enough to establish a
lasting detente between Iran and its looming neighbor to the north.
Caroline Farris is an editorial assistant at The Diplomat.
August 7, 2013By Caroline Farris
editor
http://thediplomat.com/the-editor/2013/08/07/geopolitics-trump-religion-in-iran-azerbaijan-relations/?print=yes
Despite Iran's sizeable Azeri population, and their shared Shi'a faith,
bilateral relations remain fraught.
Image credit:flickr/ Eliza_Tasbihi Iran's Azeri population is emerging
as a critical voting bloc in Iranian elections.
Ethnic Azeris in Iran may receive less fanfare than the Iranian Kurds,
yet they play an increasingly important role in Iran's political
process. Not only is Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei of Azeri
descent, but Azeris have emerged as a critical voting bloc in Iranian
presidential elections. Indeed, Iran's two most recent presidents,
Hassan Rouhani and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, have both garnered strong
support from Iran's Azeri provinces, winning East and West Azerbaijan,
along with Ardabil and Zanjan.
Azeris are descendants of the Oghuz Turks who migrated to the Caucasus
Mountains and northwestern Iran in the 11th century from Central Asia.
During this time, many areas of the Persian Empire experienced an
influx of Turkish immigrants. Although many of Iran's inhabitants
remained Persian, others adopted the Turkic language. As such, there
is a good deal of cultural overlap between the Iranian Azeris and
their Persian countrymen. While both are Shi'a, Azeris in Iran tend
to be more secular; a trait shared with Azeris living in the Republic
of Azerbaijan. Although intermarriage and a fluid border have made
precise counting difficult, Azeris are believed to comprise just
under a third of Iran's population.
Despite Iran's sizeable Azeri population-and indeed, in part because
of it- Iran's relationship with neighboring Azerbaijan has been
fraught since Azerbaijan gained independence from the Soviet Union
in 1991. Shortly after the Republic of Azerbaijan was established,
its first President Abulfaz Elchibey called for unifying Azerbaijani
Iran with the new Republic. Iran's President at the time, Akbar Hashemi
Rafsanjani, was less than thrilled by this gesture and feared that it
could sew dissention and secessionism within Iran's borders. Relations
weren't helped by Elchibey's pro-Turkey bent and vehement secularism.
Thus, Tehran has struggled to woo Baku since its formation. Despite
being the first country to establish full diplomatic relations with
the Republic of Azerbaijan, repeated attempts to solidify working
relations have been thwarted. Multiple points of contention cause Baku
to balk at the kind of relationship Tehran is so keen to establish.
For instance, Baku detests Iran's treatment of its Azeri population
and remains bitter over Tehran's decision to align with Armenia in
the Nagorno-Karabakh War.
Partly as a result, Azerbaijan has always maintained ties to Iran's
regional rival Israel, and this appear to be increasing. In February
of 2012, for instance, Azerbaijan signed a US$1.6 billion defense
deal with Israel, which included provisions for Baku to purchase
intelligence hardware, air defense systems, and unmanned aerial
vehicles from Israel. While this substantial arms purchase is not an
immediate threat to Iran, it underscores just how much Azerbaijan is
aligning with Israel. One of Iran's top priorities in dealing with
Azerbaijan is to undercut its relationship with Israel, especially
amid reports that Azerbaijan has granted Israel access to an airfield
near the Iranian border.
Another factor hindering ties between Iran and Azerbaijan is
the extensive smuggling networks inside Iran. Azerbaijan has been
especially sensitive to the narcotics entering its borders via Iran,
although this is likely conducted by non-state actors. Moreover, as
international sanctions against Tehran have tightened, the lure of
untold profits has resulted in many Iranian state actors-particularly
the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps- expanding their black market
smuggling activities.
The Iran-Armenia and Azeri-Israeli relationships show the foundation
of such political alliances to be purely pragmatic. From a strictly
sectarian standpoint, Iran and Azerbaijan's shared Shi'a ties would
make them close allies. Yet Iran has backed a Christian nation against
Azerbaijan, while the latter has cozied up to Israel. In a neighborhood
where it is impossible to keep your enemies closer than your friends,
the Supreme Leader's Azeri blood may not be enough to establish a
lasting detente between Iran and its looming neighbor to the north.
Caroline Farris is an editorial assistant at The Diplomat.