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  • Artsakh: A Zero Sum Solution Weighted In Favor Of Azerbaijan

    ARTSAKH: A ZERO SUM SOLUTION WEIGHTED IN FAVOR OF AZERBAIJAN

    By Michael Mensoian on July 16, 2014 in Featured, Headline, Michael G. Mensoian

    Special for the Armenian Weekly

    We seem to overlook the fact that the ongoing negotiations concerning
    the Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) conflict (as it is commonly referred
    to) has been set-up to yield a zero sum solution favoring Azerbaijan.

    >From the very beginning, the Madrid Principles that set the
    parameters for the negotiations have been biased against Armenia's
    interests and Artsakh's declaration of independence. These principles,
    supported by the United States and the European Union through their
    representatives on the Minsk Group, which is monitoring the progress
    of the negotiations, give undue credence to Azerbaijan's claim that
    its territorial integrity has been violated by Armenia.

    In large measure this is our fault. We defeated Azerbaijan when it
    sought to prevent the Artsakh Armenians from carrying through with
    their declaration of independence. Since then (1994), we have allowed
    Azerbaijan not only to define the issue, but the solution as well.

    President Ilham Aliyev has been relentless in casting Armenia, in
    any and every venue available, as the aggressor neighbor seeking
    to reclaim its lands and unite its people with their compatriots in
    Armenia. This has allowed Baku to invoke the prohibition contained
    in Chapter 1, Article 2, Paragraph 4 of the United Nations Charter,
    which states that "All members shall refrain...from the...use of force
    against the territorial integrity...of any other state...inconsistent
    with the Purposes of the United Nations." If this is the issue (since
    this prohibition can only apply to Armenia and not Artsakh), it allows
    Azerbaijan and the Minsk Group to ignore Artsakh's declaration of
    independence as well as deny its representatives to be a party to the
    negotiations. Note that in all of the published reports that relate
    to the negotiation process, there is absolutely nothing whatsoever
    that refers to the likelihood of Artsakh's ultimate status as a free
    and independent entity.

    Whenever foreign leaders or representatives of their governments weigh
    in with respect to the Nagorno-Karabagh issue, they all stress the
    importance of a negotiated settlement. Obviously that is preferable
    to a military solution. However, it is a pro-Azeri solution--that
    begins with a return to the pre-1991 borders--that meets Azerbaijan's
    demand that its territorial integrity be restored. Once our military
    forces have withdrawn from Artsakh and the Artsakh defense force is
    demobilized, they will be replaced by some ineffective international
    peacekeeping force. At that point, Aliyev can rightfully declare
    victory for having restored the occupied lands to his control. From
    that point on, there would be no need for further negotiations because
    there would be nothing of substance left to negotiate. Unfortunately
    this is the zero sum solution that awaits us: Azerbaijan regains its
    territory and the Artsakh Armenians lose their independence. In a zero
    sum solution there is no middle ground or comprise available. Make
    no mistake, Artsakh's freedom is absolutely essential to Armenia's
    future economic and political development.

    I accept that it is easy for me to say that we will not hesitate
    to defend Artsakh's independence, but let's contemplate the
    alternative: Are we willing to be witnesses to Artsakh becoming
    another Nakhitchevan, purged of our people and our cultural artifacts?

    The vote that was to have taken place at some time in the future that
    is part of the Madrid Proposals is a hypocritical gesture that never
    was intended to allow Artsakh to retain its independence. By the time
    the mechanics for such a vote would have been worked out (assuming
    the negotiations went that far), the region would have been overrun
    by Azeri settlers under a government-sponsored program to marginalize
    those remaining Armenians before the referendum took place.

    Unfortunately, Armenia's political and economic power is limited.

    However, are we so devoid of a national spirit and the determination
    to protect our nation's future potential that we must sit on our
    haunches like beggars waiting to be told what will be best for
    our country? Shame on us for not having learned from numerous past
    experiences when we have placed our cause in the hands of foreign
    governments the likes of England, France, the United States, and even
    Russia, only to be betrayed by their perfidiousness.

    Having said that, is it fear of a Russian reprisal, timidity, or
    have we simply convinced ourselves that there is not much we can
    do to protect our nation's interests? Why do we constantly fail to
    present to the world community at every opportune time the litany of
    legitimate reasons why there never can be acceptance of any agreement
    that denies Artsakh its independence? Whenever (which is all too
    often) the Azeri leadership flaunts its lack of political civility
    (without any evident repercussions) that should exist between any
    two nations, or ignores the norms of international protocol, then
    it is time for Yerevan, Stepanakert, the political parties, and the
    diasporan organizational leaders to question the purpose of continuing
    negotiations with a government that denies its own citizens their
    basic human rights. A government that has yet to achieve a democratic
    form of governance that Stepanakert has already achieved in its 20
    years of de facto independence. A government that was responsible for
    the unprovoked Sumgait and Baku pogroms where innocent Armenians were
    wantonly murdered simply because of their ethnicity. A government that
    routinely threatens to renew military action by constantly referring
    to its ever-expanding military establishment. A government that had
    Ramil Safarov, the imprisoned Azeri murderer of Lt. Gurgen Margaryan,
    extradited from Hungary under false assurances only to be honored as
    a returning hero in Azerbaijan. This is a government that has waged a
    constant cultural war by destroying centuries-old Armenian artifacts,
    the most egregious act being the desecration and total destruction
    of the thousand-year-old Armenian cemetery at Julfa in Nakhitchevan
    with its irreplaceable khatchkars. How can a government led by leaders
    who foster hatred for Armenians and their culture ever believe that
    the Artsakh Armenians, whether through negotiations or the threat
    of war, would give up their freedom and independence? How can the
    United States, the European Union, and possibly Russia even harbor the
    thought that the Artsakh Armenians, after having sacrificed so much,
    would be deterred should Azerbaijan foolishly opt for a military
    solution if negotiations fail to meet its demands?

    Success in Artsakh represents our first step in obtaining the justice
    that has eluded us for the past 100 years.

    If President Serge Sarkissian and Foreign Minister Nalbandian are
    constrained by protocol from forcefully responding to Azerbaijan's
    constant transgressions along the Line of Contact as well as President
    Aliyev's continued attempts to obscure the issue and revise history
    directly, then pre-designated officials can speak. Political parties,
    jointly and separately, can respond appropriately, as can our diasporan
    leaders worldwide. An effective offensive strategy depends on the
    creation of a united front ready to respond to Azerbaijan's constant
    dissemination of misinformation. The talking points should come from a
    single source to keep the message timely, accurate, and on point. The
    subtext of all responses should be that a peaceful resolution is
    preferable, but that the Artsakh Armenians will not be intimidated
    by any threat of force. This is a message that the United States
    and the European Union need to hear. Russia may be our ally in need,
    but Russia is not yet our master. Although it is necessary for the
    diasporan organizations to continue the vital task of improving the
    quality of life of our brothers and sisters in Artsakh and to expand
    its economy, who will ultimately benefit from these good works if
    Artsakh is torn from us a second time within a century?

    Note that with all the pressure placed on the Ukraine by Russia,
    its newly elected president, Petro Poroshenko, did sign a free
    trade agreement with the European Union. Although that signing
    will do nothing to equalize its military capabilities vis-a-vis
    the pro-Russian insurgents (likely active or former Russian army
    personnel) or the Russian forces on the other side of the frontier,
    the agreement was still consummated.

    I accept that it is easy for me to say that we will not hesitate to
    defend Artsakh's independence, but let's contemplate the alternative:
    Are we willing to be witnesses to Artsakh becoming another
    Nakhitchevan, purged of our people and our cultural artifacts? The
    loss of Artsakh would be a political and psychological disaster of
    seismic proportions. Armenia would be thrust into political oblivion.

    Forget our preoccupation with genocide recognition; or the return of
    church property by Turkey; or any agreement on a meaningful program
    of indemnification; or expecting Georgian leaders to improve the
    quality of life of our Javakhahayer. If we cannot successfully
    complete the task in Artsakh, which component of Hai Tahd are we
    capable of achieving?

    During the two decades that this continuous onslaught of misinformation
    from Baku has been going on, neither Yerevan nor Stepanakert has
    mounted any meaningful counteroffensive. It is time for Yerevan to
    forcefully refute Baku's constant charge of aggression.

    Armenia should buttress its support of the Artsakh Armenians who were
    forced into a war for survival by the Azerbaijani government. The
    indiscriminate shelling of civilian areas by the Azeris would have
    continued unabated without the intervention of Armenia. The Azeri
    military had no qualms about raining artillery shells from the
    mountain fortress of Shushi upon the defenseless civilians in the
    city of Stepanakert below. Even to this day, Azeri snipers target
    Armenian villagers working their lands along the eastern border
    region of Artsakh or tending their animals or working their fields in
    northeastern Armenia (Tavush region), which shares a common border
    with Azerbaijan. All of this is occurring without repercussions to
    Azerbaijan. Yerevan should develop a position paper that nullifies
    Azerbaijan's constant misuse of the principle of territorial integrity
    in the context of the Artsakh issue. Although the principle of
    Responsibility to Protect (R2P) refers to a government protecting
    an ethnic minority within its jurisdiction from harm, it shouldn't
    deter Armenia from invoking R2P to protect its people in a neighboring
    country whose government is engaged in the indiscriminate killing of
    innocent Armenian civilians. Resourceful legal scholars can support
    Armenia's right to have come to the aid of the Artsakh Armenians
    by reference to this evolving new principle; or the principle of
    Consensual (Military) Intervention; or the principle of Humanitarian
    Intervention. We should not hesitate to interpret any principle or
    concept that strengthens our position with respect to Azerbaijan. This
    is not the time to be stoic and expect miracles to happen.

    In the same manner, Stepanakert must support its right to have declared
    its independence. Self-determination is an accepted principle in
    international law. The case must be made that either the Soviet
    constitution provided the Artsakh Armenians with this right; or
    the principle of self-determination; or the principle of remedial
    secession. If Artsakh had the right to declare its independence then
    it must be a party to the negotiations that should be considering its
    final boundaries, a program for indemnification, and the timing of
    its recognition as a free and independent entity. Success in Artsakh
    represents our first step in obtaining the justice that has eluded us
    for the past 100 years. We should be guided by Voltaire's cautionary
    insight of not letting the perfect be the enemy of the good.

    http://www.armenianweekly.com/2014/07/16/artsakh/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaig n=Feed%3A+ArmenianWeekly+(Armenian+Weekly)

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