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Bigger problems; the Middle East

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  • Bigger problems; the Middle East

    The Economist
    October 15, 2005
    U.S. Edition
    X-Sender: Asbed Bedrossian <[email protected]>
    X-Listprocessor-Version: 8.1 -- ListProcessor(tm) by CREN

    Bigger problems; The Middle East


    IN THE course of 30 years as Middle East correspondent for two London
    newspapers, the Times and the Independent, Robert Fisk has filled a
    lot of notebooks with a lot of stories. Many of them are excellent.
    His new book begins with a ripping yarn about his summons in 1996 to
    interview Osama bin Laden. Setting up the encounter takes many
    months. The process opens with an intermediary's call to "Mr
    Robert's" office in Beirut. It continues with a mysterious meeting in
    London's Belgravia Sheraton hotel, moves via New Delhi to a flight
    into Jalalabad's old Soviet military airstrip, pauses for a sweaty
    interlude in the Afghan city's Spinghar hotel and culminates, after
    an edgy night drive with machine-gun-toting escorts, in an interview
    with Mr bin Laden at a remote mountain hideaway.

    Mr Fisk is a gifted writer and an accomplished storyteller, so those
    who have not read him before will enjoy the famous correspondent's
    colourful narrative. Mr Fisk tries to tell the story of the Middle
    East, but he does not flinch from telling the story of Mr Fisk. So
    here is not only a record of what he has seen and reported since 1976
    in Afghanistan, Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, Algeria and many other dusty and
    violent places, but also a tale of how he got the lead, wangled the
    flight, bribed the guard and brought home the scoop. The Times
    offered Mr Fisk the Middle East when he was only 29, and his love
    affair with the region and the glamorous profession of being a
    foreign correspondent finds expression on every page.

    Over the years, the vividness of his reporting and the vehemence of
    his opinions have turned him into one of Britain's most controversial
    journalists. Two decades ago, in a history of Lebanon's civil war, he
    argued that the job of the journalist was to write a first draft of
    history. Since then, he appears to have changed his mind. In the
    preface of this book he endorses the view of an Israeli journalist,
    Amira Hass, that the proper vocation of the reporter is to "monitor
    the centres of power". The upshot is that the chief villains in his
    stories from the Middle East are governments, mainly those of the
    West which he believes have been led by folly or knavery to meddle
    needlessly in the affairs of a region not their own, and which have
    almost invariably turned out to make a bad situation worse.

    People who buy the Independent mainly to read Mr Fisk's Old Testament
    rants against the wickedness of Israel and America will love this
    book. But is it possible to loathe this point of view and still enjoy
    the read? Up to a point. For even if you are turned off by Mr Fisk's
    self-righteous identification with those he deems history's
    victims - and this habit's subtle corollary of making himself the hero
    of every story - he still repays reading. All you have to do is skip
    the analysis and tuck into the wealth of hard-won narrative detail
    accumulated over the decades of intrepid reporting. With Mr Fisk you
    meet the grim Russian crews threading their tanks through
    Afghanistan's mountain passes in 1980; sit at the feet of Sadeq
    Khalkhali, the Iranian revolution's "hanging judge"; witness the
    Israelis' Merkava tanks clattering into downtown Beirut in 1982; and
    join Ayatollah Khomeini's Revolutionary Guards in their fearless,
    doomed assaults on Iraqi lines in 1987.

    The trouble with reading the reporter and ignoring the polemicist is
    that only some of this book consists of reporting. Mr Fisk
    interleaves his first-hand accounts with much material of more
    doubtful quality: potted histories (of the Palestine conflict, the
    Suez crisis of 1956, the Armenian genocide) and warmed-up off-cuts
    from old columns (denouncing the George Bushes junior and senior,
    Tony Blair and the supposedly supine reporting of CNN, the New York
    Times and sundry other media that happen not to subscribe to the full
    Fisk world view). As a result, the whole is worth rather less than
    the sum of the parts.

    When Mr Fisk at last conducts his interview with Mr bin Laden on that
    bare Afghan mountain in 1997, the Saudi billionaire, who later
    commends him as a rare western reporter who is "neutral", says: "Mr
    Robert, from this mountain upon which you are sitting, we broke the
    Russian army and we destroyed the Soviet Union. And I pray to God
    that he will permit us to turn the United States into a shadow of
    itself." Four years later, when the hijacked airliners glide into New
    York's twin towers, Mr Fisk recalls this warning and dictates a
    column - reprinted in full in his book - in which the perpetrators are
    described as representatives of a "crushed, humiliated population"
    who are "striking back".

    The Middle East, Mr Fisk believes, is a region of victims, and the
    terrorism it generates is the enraged lashing out of the powerless.
    Seeing the region this way gives his writing its force. But it also
    produces systematic distortion. Mr Fisk seems unwilling to find the
    slightest hint of rhyme, reason or justification in the behaviour of
    the powerful - especially America and Israel - lest doing so is allowed
    to blunt his righteous anger. So he quarrels not only with America's
    invasion of Iraq but also with its invasion of Afghanistan. Israel's
    violence is invariably "brutal" or "ruthless" as it pursues "the last
    colonial war".

    As for the American idea of spreading democracy, Mr Fisk says that
    Arabs also want "justice, a setting-to-rights, a peaceful but an
    honourable, fair end to the decades of occupation and deceit and
    corruption and dictator-creation". But hang on. The Israeli
    occupation of the West Bank and Gaza came about because in 1967, as
    in the decades before, the Palestinians and Arab states were intent
    on liquidating the Jewish state; and the Arab dictators - the Nassers,
    Saddams and Assads - were created at home, not abroad. The extent to
    which Arabs have been the authors of their own misfortune is not
    given adequate consideration in this dogged, powerful and often
    infuriating polemic against the West.

    GRAPHIC: Dangerous deceits; The Great War for Civilisation: The
    Conquest of the Middle East.

    From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
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