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Exile at home: being Turkish, thinking European

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  • Exile at home: being Turkish, thinking European

    Open Democracy, UK
    Dec 1 2006

    Exile at home: being Turkish, thinking European
    Daria Vaisman
    1 - 12 - 2006


    The reception of Orhan Pamuk's Nobel award in Turkey is charged with
    the political tensions inside the country and in its relationship
    with Europe, says Daria Vaisman.

    Turkey's extraordinary and still unfinished year has appeared often
    to put it at the centre of international affairs. Sometimes it can
    feel as if all the currents of the modern world - from nationalism to
    freedom of speech, militarism to migration, religion to women's
    rights, terrorism to reconciliation with the past - flow through this
    country.

    This is at once a tribute to Turkey's richness of experience and
    potential, and a challenge to understanding - for modern Turks even
    more than for their European and other neighbours. Many countries are
    asking questions of Turkey, but it is the Turks above all who need to
    find answers to their own predicament.


    Daria Vaisman is Caucasus correspondent for the Christian Science
    Monitor and a freelance writer based in Tbilisi and Moscow. She has
    written for Slate, the International Herald Tribune, Foreign Policy,
    the New Republic and other publications

    Also by Daria Vaisman in openDemocracy:

    "Turkey's restriction, Europe's problem"
    (29 September 2006)


    Each big story in 2006 - from the Danish cartoon crisis to the
    recurring Kurdish dispute, from the tense negotiations with the
    European Union to the delicate visit of Pope Benedict XVI - has
    reinforced the sense of a country in search of itself. This was true
    perhaps above all in the circumstances around the award of the Nobel
    literature prize to Orhan Pamuk on 12 October 2006.

    Pamuk wrote (in his memoir Istanbul: Memories and the City) of a
    certain kind of exile: Those who take pleasure in the accidental
    beauty of poverty and historical decay, those of us who see the
    picturesque in ruins - invariably, we're people who come from the
    outside."

    The formulation is suggestive. To be an exile in a foreign country is
    one thing, but to be an exile on the street where you grew up takes
    something else. Orhan Pamuk (as openDemocracy's Anthony Barnett
    noted) stayed - in the city, even the house, of his childhood - and
    embraced the world from there.


    Also in openDemocracy on Orhan Pamuk, Istanbul and Turkey's writers:

    Cem Õzdemir, "My mother's city"
    (12 February 2004)

    Murat Belge, "Love me, or leave me?" The strange case of Orhan Pamuk"
    (October 2005)

    Hrant Dink, "The water finds its crack: an Armenian in Turkey"
    (December 2005)

    Orhan Pamuk (with Margaret Atwood and Salman Rushdie), "Freedom to
    write"
    (28 April 2006) - an audio feature from the PEN World Voices festival
    in New York

    Elif Shafak, "Turkey's home truths"
    (25 July 2006)

    Hrant Dink, "Orhan Pamuk's epic journey"
    (16 October 2006)


    Two worlds

    Such is the strange experience of being Turkish nowadays: it is
    possible to be an exile simply by staying put. A Turk is both an
    artifact and victim of empire, able to feel connected to the great
    Ottoman past yet aware of the impossibility of ever returning to it.
    Modern Europe may view the ruins of Greece and Rome via a lens of
    triumphalism as much as nostalgia; but in Turkey, Pamuk writes,
    "ruins are reminders that the present city [Istanbul] is so poor and
    confused that it can never again dream of rising to the same
    heights."

    Europe's relationship to its own past is, as a result, less fraught
    than Turkey's. This is one reason why the tensions between the two
    cultural and political worlds carry such an electric charge. Nowhere
    was this more evident than in the decision by the lower house of the
    French parliament (on the very day of Pamuk's Nobel award) to propose
    making it illegal to deny that a genocide of Armenians occurred in
    Turkey during the first world war.

    At the time, the connection between the legislation and Turkey's
    future choices - between EU membership and a more middle-eastern (and
    Islamic) state - may seemed little more than coincidence. But the
    symbolic import of the legislation is profound: "Europe" is here
    asking Turkey to swallow both its humiliation, and its sense of being
    a victim of a double standard, in order to join the European club.
    Will this be needed for the Turks to make their country's ruins into
    "museums of history" (Pamuk) and surrender hope for their return?

    Pamuk himself is at the centre of the controversy. It was he who he
    told the Swiss newspaper Tages Anzeige in February 2005 that "30,000
    Kurds and a million Armenians were killed in these lands, and nobody
    but me dares to talk about it" (comments which made Pamuk the most
    prominent target of the notorious "insult law" cases, in which
    individuals have been charged with "denigrating Turkishness").
    Although Pamuk's case was eventually dismissed on a technicality,
    other writers - among them Hrant Dink, Elif Shafak, and Murat Belge -
    have since been tried under the same law.

    Soner Cagaptay, director of the Turkish Research Program at the
    Washington Institute for Near East Policy, echoed the opinion of many
    Turks when he suggested that the timing of the French legislation was
    not accidental. It was "unfortunate", he said, "that the first time
    Turkey receives a Nobel prize comes with the legislation. The issue
    would not have appeared so political had the French not voted on the
    legislation the same day the award was given."

    For Turkey, this is nothing less than hypocrisy. Europe, Turks say,
    demands that the country agree to a freedom of expression which the
    European Union itself does not uphold. Turkey is blocked from joining
    the EU because of restrictions on freedom of speech if which Europe
    itself is guilty.

    "We are told to be tolerant of ideas that we don't like, and it's
    very ironic that we are hearing the contrary from a European
    country", said Muge Sokmen of Metis Press (which publishes Elif
    Shafak). "Freedom of expression is not a political thing", says
    Sokmen. "It is a means to control Turkey with the message they
    themselves do not want to be controlled."

    >From the Turkish perspective, then, the French law is another form of
    condescension - more EU-mandated hoops - much like a country club
    with ever-changing, arbitrary, rules designed to deny membership for
    every reason but for those stated.

    In Turkey, the question of genocide presses a nerve. The combination
    of the French law, the Nobel award and Orhan Pamuk's track-record on
    the Armenian issue put him at the centre of the controversy. For all
    Turks (the religious, the secular strong-armed military; the liberal,
    secular Istanbullu), Pamuk's prize was double-edged.

    The victory of a Turkish writer, writing in Turkish, is cause for
    celebration. Turks chafe at the suggestion that Pamuk's literary
    merits were not enough to win him the Nobel; Pamuk is an exquisite
    writer, many say, and to see his award as laced with politics (and
    anti-Turkey politics at that) is a further insult.

    Yet even for his admirers the event was tinged with regret. Pamuk
    made himself famous, some say, only by virtue of his comments on
    genocide. Several expressed the thought that Pamuk had spoken out on
    the fate of the Armenians to achieve international fame.

    For those on the conservative side, things are far clearer. Kemal
    Kerincsiz, the Turkish nationalist lawyer who helped bring criminal
    charges against Pamuk, said that Pamuk had not won the Nobel for his
    work, but "because he belittled our national values...As a Turkish
    citizen I am ashamed." For both sides if in different ways, suspicion
    remains that no matter his literary skill, Pamuk's prize is Europe's
    way of making a political statement.

    The inside outsider

    There is no way to resolve this contradiction - yet. If and when it
    can be, the route will start and finish in Turkey itself. This is the
    deeper significance of Pamuk for Turkey in 2006. As much as there is
    Pamuk the political figure or social gadfly, there is the literary
    Pamuk, who brought the bestseller to Turkey, selling hundreds of
    thousands of copies of his books in a country with a notably small
    reading public. His work is sold at shops and on street corners. He
    may have rejected the much-coveted position of Turkey's "state
    artist" in 1998 on political grounds, but that is what he has
    effectively become.

    During his insult-law trial, Pamuk was accused by his critics of a
    fetishising orientalism - of seeking to exoticise Turkey to the west,
    of selling it (and himself) to the foreigner. It is an accusation
    that has been levelled in comparable circumstances (Milan Kundera,
    Salman Rushdie and Azar Nafisi are among the targets).

    In these cases, the provocation is what is seen as the arrogance of
    self-imposed exile. But Orhan Pamuk chose another path: that of an
    insider's outsider - someone who belongs and is attuned to a single,
    unique place while retaining the inner distance that enables its
    transformation into universal meaning, and thus opens the way to its
    renewed self-discovery.

    It is in this sense that Orhan Pamuk is emblematic of Turkey's
    convulsive 2006. The Nobel award and all that surrounded it may be a
    sign of where Europe wants to see Turkey, but more importantly it is
    a sign of where Turkey is coming to see itself. Pamuk, in his
    self-imposed exile, committed himself to staying on to continue the
    conversation. In doing so, he offers a truth that will outlast the
    disputes and tensions of the political year.

    From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
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