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U.S. Should Call The Genocide By Its Name

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  • U.S. Should Call The Genocide By Its Name

    U.S. SHOULD CALL THE GENOCIDE BY ITS NAME
    Editorial

    Burbank Leader, CA
    April 25 2007

    It's been more than 90 years, and the United States has not come to
    terms with what Argentina, France, Canada, Italy, Greece, Lebanon,
    Russia, Slovakia, Sweden, Switzerland, the European Parliament,
    Uruguay and Armenia recognize: that the deaths of 1.5 million Armenians
    between 1915 and 1923 at the hands of the Ottoman Turks were more
    than the collateral damage of war.

    The time is long overdue for the federal government to officially
    recognize that these deaths constitute genocide.

    A "Week of Remembrance" culminates on Tuesday with the 92nd anniversary
    of this grim episode.

    Locally, that means rallies and solemn remembrances, which local
    school clubs, city officials and organizations have so diligently
    put together.

    Throughout the state and nation, it has meant marches for humanity
    and hopes that the first genocide of the 20th century will never
    be forgotten, and that lawmakers will acknowledge it. Many states,
    including California, have acknowledged it.

    It is time for the United States government to put aside its apparent
    hesitance to offend Turkey and, for the sake of humanity, acknowledge
    what U.S. Ambassador to Ottoman Turkish Empire Henry Morgenthau Sr.

    was convinced of when he wrote his superiors in Washington back
    in 1915. Morgenthau wrote that Armenians were slaughtered by the
    thousands, beginning on April 24, 1915, when the Young Turk government
    arrested and began executing Armenian intellectuals.

    Back then, the U.S. turned away from Morgenthau's pleas to intervene
    in what he said seemed to be a "systematic plan to crush the Armenian
    race." Neutrality was the U.S. mantra.

    When the United States entered World War I in 1917, we refused to
    break ties with the Ottoman Empire, which had ordered wholesale
    deportation of thousands of Armenians, which led to more death.

    That massacre has been documented by official records, Ottoman tribunal
    records, eyewitness accounts, missionaries, diplomats, oral histories
    of survivors and scholars' research.

    Yet, three years ago, a day after the House of Representatives approved
    an amendment sponsored by Rep. Adam Schiff that prohibited Turkey from
    using U.S. foreign aid funds to lobby against genocide recognition,
    Schiff was already feeling heat from Republican leaders to drop
    the issue.

    "Turkey has been a reliable ally of the United States for decades,
    and the deep foundation upon which our mutual economic and security
    relationship rests should not be disrupted by this amendment," Reps.

    Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.), Tom DeLay (R-Texas) and Roy Blunt (R-Mo.)
    said in a statement at the time.

    To Schiff, the passage was a boon, effectively putting the House on
    record as saying that the genocide took place.

    But the Bush administration opposed the measure, leaving Schiff
    and recognition supporters to write their annual letter to the
    administration seeking recognition.

    Schiff's efforts continue. He has introduced the bill for the third
    time this year.

    But recognition is elusive and stymied.

    Only last year John Marshall Evans lost his job as U.S. ambassador
    to Armenia after calling the events of 1915 genocide. The State
    Department ordered a retraction of his statements and he was dismissed
    in September.

    And in March, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Secretary
    of Defense Robert Gates sent a letter to chairs of Congressional
    committees opposing recognition of the Armenian genocide.

    "I think that the best way to have this proceed is for the United
    States not to be in the position of making this judgment, but rather
    for the Turks and the Armenians to come to their own terms about this,"
    Rice said in response to Schiff's questioning on recognition during
    a recent congressional hearing.

    It's a hands-off approach - not unlike the U.S. neutrality of the
    early 20th century - that undercuts the call for recognition so many
    have struggled for. And it erodes this government's own credibility
    as it seeks the moral high ground in foreign affairs.

    Two years ago, on the 90th anniversary of the genocide, Schiff wasn't
    all that optimistic about the chances of recognition, citing a fierce
    Turkish lobby against it and the U.S. government's own desire not to
    offend an ally of the United States.

    But there's cause for hope.

    The strong Turkish lobby remains, having the ear of both sides of the
    political aisle, but with new leadership in Congress, pro-recognition
    leaders hope this year may be the one in which recognition comes.

    If not?

    "It would be a great setback," Schiff said. "If not now, when?"

    Modern-day Turkey should not be punished for the sins of its
    forefathers.

    But too many have died, and too much time has passed, for the United
    States not to recognize those sins.

    We've come close. President Bush in 2001 recognized the "forced
    annihilation of approximately 1.5 million Armenians in the closing
    years of the Ottoman Empire" - a statement that met with disappointment
    for its ambiguity.

    Recognition should not be political.

    If it comes, it will only make us stronger and more credible in
    speaking out against atrocities, wherever they are, regardless of its
    political expediency or benefit. And in a world in which violence
    and division seem more rampant than ever - right down to our own
    communities - a strong, moral voice against them was never more needed.

    Unfortunately, it's sometimes the most heinous voices that still echo.

    It was Adolf Hitler who in 1939 asked, "Who today still speaks of
    the massacre of the Armenians?"

    It should be us.
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