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  • Inside Iran today

    Inside Iran today
    By Praful Bidwai

    The News - International, Pakistan
    April 28 2007

    The writer, a former newspaper editor, is a researcher and peace and
    human-rights activist based in Delhi

    The Iranian Artists' Forum is the kind of institution any country
    would be proud of -- a lively, pulsating place, with auditoria,
    seminar rooms and exhibition halls, at which exciting events in
    Iran's flourishing art world happen. It's similar to Lahore's Alhamra
    complex, only more liberal, multicultural and plural. The Artists'
    Forum exudes freedom and creativity. Not many developing countries
    have a comparable arts complex.

    The Forum is a redesigned military barracks located right next door
    to the long-closed down United States embassy. Hundreds of young
    people 'hang out' at the place. Its ground-floor coffee shop is fully
    vegetarian and serves 'chapatti bread', besides sandwiches, pizzas,
    soft drinks and teas (including ayurvedic tea). Why, it even offers
    its own versions of thalis: "Gita Set" and "Lotus Set".

    It's tragic, therefore, that the Forum is becoming a target of
    censorship. Last week, it hosted the release of a special issue of a
    remarkable magazine "International Gallerie", published from Mumbai,
    devoted to Iran's contemporary culture. But its management turned
    down requests to hold a vocal music performance as part of the event.
    It also disallowed the display of some posters based on the issue.

    "It's not that the Forum management favours censorship", said an art
    critic, who insisted on anonymity. (Nobody wants to be quoted in
    Iran for fear of harassment). "But it's being closely watched. If
    the management is to keep the institution running, it must not
    say anything critical of the regime - or risk closure. It ends up
    practising self-censorship."

    Opponents of self-censorship were offered an object lesson last week.
    The authorities closed down the cheerful "Cafe 78", located in Aban
    Street. "Cafe 78" was the favourite haunt of radical students, both
    female and male, who would chat animatedly about avant-garde art,
    music, culture, Che Guevara, politics, whatever... As the conversation
    progressed, and modern Iranian music blared, veils would recede by
    inches (all women must wear headscarves in public), and romantic
    words would be discreetly exchanged.

    "Cafe 78"'s closure, like the Forum's self-censorship, is part of
    a new drive by Iran's authorities to regiment individual conduct.
    There's a nationwide campaign against the wearing of tight clothes
    and skimpy headscarves by women. This is customary at the beginning
    of summer, when hemlines become shorter. Yet, the drive has generated
    great fear because it follows countless other repressive measures.
    These include detention of dozens of feminists for collecting one
    million signatures demanding changes in the constitution in favour
    of gender equality. Schoolteachers have been arrested for agitating
    for higher pay.

    Even worse have been the purges of secular teachers from the
    universities and closure of more than 110 pro-reform periodicals over
    six years. The repression isn't a response to a particular threat.
    "It's part of a 'regime maintenance' strategy ," says a political
    scientist. "Iran's hardliners don't want people, especially
    the youth, to feel free. They know that young Iranians loathe
    regimentation. They take recourse to the constitution's 'Islamic'
    values and vilayat-e-faqih (Guardianship of the Islamic Jurists)
    to enforce discipline."

    True, this discipline isn't extreme. Iran is no "Taliban Lite" - a
    Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan. Iran is sufism's homeland. Its Islam is
    more about ritual than rigid doctrine. Iranians interact closely with
    the west through their million-plus expatriates, the Internet, and
    consumption of mass culture, including Hollywood, jeans and fast food.

    The mismatch between "regime maintenance" and popular aspirations to
    freedom produces duality, even hypocrisy. Public debate is banned on
    "sensitive" subjects, including nuclear issues. But people discuss
    these in classrooms, buses, taxis, homes, and cafes. Women "jump"
    communications barriers ingeniously - through dummy websites and
    blogs. (Iran has the world's third highest number of blogs.)

    Officially, liquor is a strict no-no. But it flows like water in
    Iran's living rooms. The Armenian minority is allowed to make wine,
    beer and spirits. Specially established distilleries in neighbouring
    countries cater to Iran's thirst for alcohol. Iran is one of the few
    West Asian countries which holds relatively free and fair elections.
    But Iran's democracy is deeply flawed, with little freedom of political
    association. Parties are registered only if they conform to Islamic
    tenets. Freedom in this deeply paradoxical society has had periodic
    ups and downs. Today, it's on a downward trajectory.

    Three factors will influence Iran's short-term evolution: President
    Mahmoud Ahmedinejad's growing unpopularity; the ability of reformists
    to counter the government's use of the current slogan, "Islam and the
    nation"; and Iran's confrontation with the west, in particular, the
    US. Ahmedinejad recently suffered several setbacks, including defeat
    of his nominees in local elections. His populist handouts have blown
    up the special fund financed by Iran's oil sales, estimated at $40
    billion. He's increasingly seen as a politician given to intemperate
    statements. He's not fully trusted by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali
    Khamenei.

    If he's reined in by the Establishment - as happened during the recent
    British sailors' detention and release - that will strengthen the
    reformists. Reformists, including former presidents Mohammed Khatami
    and Ali Akbar Hashmi Rafsanjani, could still exercise a restraining
    influence. The reformists' success will critically depend on preventing
    nationalism from being used as a self-legitimising platform by the
    hardliners. Britain's recent adventurism on the sailors issue played
    straight into their hands. They drummed up national pride and won a
    public relations victory. Britain had to open clandestine talks with
    Tehran and make a deal.

    Much will also depend on how the west deals with Iran's nuclear
    programme. The US is implacably hostile towards Iran, which it wrongly
    sees as an "Axis of Evil" state supporting terrorism. In fact, Iran
    is anti-Al Qaeda and has behaved with restraint in Shia-majority Iraq
    despite its considerable influence there. Iran feels humiliated at
    the sanctions imposed on it for running a nuclear programme which is
    legitimate - despite relatively minor infractions of International
    Atomic Energy Agency rules.

    The more Iran is cornered over its nuclear activities, the more
    it'll be tempted to be defiant - and made boastful claims about its
    uranium enrichment prowess. Iran is many years away from enriching
    enough uranium for a bomb. Its facilities for uranium conversion into
    hexafluoride (Natanz) and its centrifuge plant (Isfahan) are under
    IAEA safeguard and cannot be used for weapons purposes. Contrary
    to the claim that it has installed 3,000 centrifuges, the IAEA says
    it has about 1,300 primitive machines. It's unlikely that Iran has
    stabilised these delicate centrifuges, which rotate at extremely high
    speeds like 1,000 revolutions per second. (Even India has had serious
    difficulties in stabilising centrifuges.)

    More important, the Natanz facility produces gas which is probably
    too impure to lead to enrichment. IAEA director-general Mohammed
    ElBaradei discounts Iran's claim to "industrial-scale" enrichment and
    says "Iran is still at the beginning stages". This offers the US, UK,
    France and Germany an opportunity to negotiate nuclear restraint with
    Iran while not denying its right to enrichment for peaceful purposes.
    Iran is willing to talk -without suspending enrichment. A way out
    is possible. But the US must muster the will to explore it while
    abandoning ill-conceived plans to attack Iran.

    Much of what happens to and in Iran will depend on the US - just as
    in 1953, when it toppled Iran's first elected leader, and in 1979,
    when it courted the Revolution's hostility by backing the Shah.
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