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TURKISH-ARMENIAN FORMAL DIALOGUE MAY EASE PRESSURE ON TURKEY
Today's Zaman, Turkey
Aug 28 2007
Some 18 of the world's countries, from Argentina to Canada and across
the Atlantic to Europe recognize the World War I-era incidents in
Ottoman Turkey, which culminated in the deaths of many Armenians as
well as Turks, as genocide committed by the Ottoman Turks against
the Anatolian Armenians. The threat of the US Congress recognizing
the events as genocide also remains.
US-based Jewish organization the Anti-Defamation League's (ADL)
reversal last week of a long-term policy labeling the events genocide
caused serious uproar in Turkey, which rejects the label of genocide
for the World War I events.
Upon the Turkish reaction, ADL Director Abraham Foxman allegedly
distanced himself from his organization's decision. But the ADL's
policy reversal should be seen as a serious blow to Turkey, since
the ADL has in the past acted as an important lobbyer for Turkey,
countering efforts by Greek and Armenian lobbies to influence Congress.
In the meantime both the Turkish public and the Turkish state largely
perceive a close bond between Israel and Jewish communities all
over the world. As Turkish Ambassador to Israel Namýk Tan put it,
"In the eyes of the Turkish people, Turkey's strategic relationship
with Israel was not with Israel alone, but with the whole Jewish world.
The Turkish people do not make that distinction."
Tan went on saying that the American Jewish organizations were just
that -- American Jewish organizations. But "we all know how they
work in coordinating their efforts [with Israel]." (Jerusalem Post,
Aug. 27, 2007)
Tan hinted that Jewish organizations are strongly influenced by Israel
and that those strong bonds between the two also have a serious
effect on relations between Turkey and Israel. In the recent past,
two strains that have occurred in the Turkish-Israeli relations played
a significant role in the US Jewish lobby's behavior.
For example Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoðan's description of
Israeli aggression against the Palestinians in 2004 as "state terror"
played a factor in poisoning Turkey's relations with the US Jewish
community, Israel -- a strong ally of Washington in the Middle East --
and with the US.
Then came Turkey's hosting exiled Hamas leader Khaled Mashaal last
year in Ankara. He was the target of an unsuccessful assassination
plot by Israel during his attendance of an Islamic group's meeting
in Turkey in 1997.
In return Turkey has been uneasy over Israel's alleged training of
Iraqi Kurdish peshmerga in northern Iraq following the US invasion
of Iraq in March 2003.
Back in 1997 remarks by Ehud Toledano, Israel's candidate for
ambassador to Turkey, over his recognition of Armenian genocide
allegations, resulted in a diplomatic row and ended with Toledano's
rejection of the post in Ankara.
Nevertheless, feeling the heat, mainly from the Jewish lobby, over
his remarks on Israel's aggression against the Palestinians Prime
Minister Erdoðan appeased the Israelis by awarding a $185 million
unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) contract to Israel prior to his visit
there in 2005.
In fact the Turkish military has currently been using an Israeli-made
UAV leased from Israel in its efforts to trace Kurdistan Workers'
Party (PKK) terrorists concentrated in Turkey's southeast.
At the end of the day, neither of the two countries, characterized
by Turkish Ambassador Tan as democratic and secular states in the
Middle East (Azeri Press Agency, Israeli Bureau, Aug. 28, 2007)
can benefit from animosity toward each other.
But the crucial question is: For how long will Turkey spend the
majority of its energy and money countering Armenian genocide
allegations, which have been increasingly recognized by more and
more countries?
Almost 92 years have passed since the tragic events of World War I.
But during those years Turkey has preferred to keep quiet on the
allegations rather than launching a serious effort to prove its own
case backed by documents that show the events concerning the Anatolian
Armenians were tragic, but did not constitute genocide.
It was only in 2004 that Turkey made a breakthrough on the Armenian
genocide allegations, when Prime Minister Erdoðan announced the
creation of a "committee of historians" to be composed of both Turks
and Armenians and to be opened to third parties if necessary to
investigate the genocide allegations.
Since then we have not heard any positive response to this offer from
neighboring Armenia. Nor has there been any serious effort made by
the US to convince Yerevan to contribute to the committee.
On the other hand, as the unfortunate tendency to label the World War
I events as genocide continues, the usefulness of the activation of
such a committee alone is questionable.
But if Turkey opens its border with Armenia and starts diplomatic
relations with its neighbor, whose independence it recognized in 1991,
coupled with activating the committee of historians, it may create a
chance for less pressure to be exerted on it regarding the genocide
allegations.
Such a move may also encourage the Armenians to lessen the pressure
exerted upon Yerevan by the strong Armenian diaspora.
CORRECTION
The abbreviation PEJAK, used for the Party for a Free Life in Kurdistan
in my column published in Today's Zaman on Aug. 23, 2007, should read
PJAK. We apologize for any confusion this may have caused.
--Boundary_(ID_Rdc5YqTmKdzPELKY53AlGQ)--
Today's Zaman, Turkey
Aug 28 2007
Some 18 of the world's countries, from Argentina to Canada and across
the Atlantic to Europe recognize the World War I-era incidents in
Ottoman Turkey, which culminated in the deaths of many Armenians as
well as Turks, as genocide committed by the Ottoman Turks against
the Anatolian Armenians. The threat of the US Congress recognizing
the events as genocide also remains.
US-based Jewish organization the Anti-Defamation League's (ADL)
reversal last week of a long-term policy labeling the events genocide
caused serious uproar in Turkey, which rejects the label of genocide
for the World War I events.
Upon the Turkish reaction, ADL Director Abraham Foxman allegedly
distanced himself from his organization's decision. But the ADL's
policy reversal should be seen as a serious blow to Turkey, since
the ADL has in the past acted as an important lobbyer for Turkey,
countering efforts by Greek and Armenian lobbies to influence Congress.
In the meantime both the Turkish public and the Turkish state largely
perceive a close bond between Israel and Jewish communities all
over the world. As Turkish Ambassador to Israel Namýk Tan put it,
"In the eyes of the Turkish people, Turkey's strategic relationship
with Israel was not with Israel alone, but with the whole Jewish world.
The Turkish people do not make that distinction."
Tan went on saying that the American Jewish organizations were just
that -- American Jewish organizations. But "we all know how they
work in coordinating their efforts [with Israel]." (Jerusalem Post,
Aug. 27, 2007)
Tan hinted that Jewish organizations are strongly influenced by Israel
and that those strong bonds between the two also have a serious
effect on relations between Turkey and Israel. In the recent past,
two strains that have occurred in the Turkish-Israeli relations played
a significant role in the US Jewish lobby's behavior.
For example Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoðan's description of
Israeli aggression against the Palestinians in 2004 as "state terror"
played a factor in poisoning Turkey's relations with the US Jewish
community, Israel -- a strong ally of Washington in the Middle East --
and with the US.
Then came Turkey's hosting exiled Hamas leader Khaled Mashaal last
year in Ankara. He was the target of an unsuccessful assassination
plot by Israel during his attendance of an Islamic group's meeting
in Turkey in 1997.
In return Turkey has been uneasy over Israel's alleged training of
Iraqi Kurdish peshmerga in northern Iraq following the US invasion
of Iraq in March 2003.
Back in 1997 remarks by Ehud Toledano, Israel's candidate for
ambassador to Turkey, over his recognition of Armenian genocide
allegations, resulted in a diplomatic row and ended with Toledano's
rejection of the post in Ankara.
Nevertheless, feeling the heat, mainly from the Jewish lobby, over
his remarks on Israel's aggression against the Palestinians Prime
Minister Erdoðan appeased the Israelis by awarding a $185 million
unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) contract to Israel prior to his visit
there in 2005.
In fact the Turkish military has currently been using an Israeli-made
UAV leased from Israel in its efforts to trace Kurdistan Workers'
Party (PKK) terrorists concentrated in Turkey's southeast.
At the end of the day, neither of the two countries, characterized
by Turkish Ambassador Tan as democratic and secular states in the
Middle East (Azeri Press Agency, Israeli Bureau, Aug. 28, 2007)
can benefit from animosity toward each other.
But the crucial question is: For how long will Turkey spend the
majority of its energy and money countering Armenian genocide
allegations, which have been increasingly recognized by more and
more countries?
Almost 92 years have passed since the tragic events of World War I.
But during those years Turkey has preferred to keep quiet on the
allegations rather than launching a serious effort to prove its own
case backed by documents that show the events concerning the Anatolian
Armenians were tragic, but did not constitute genocide.
It was only in 2004 that Turkey made a breakthrough on the Armenian
genocide allegations, when Prime Minister Erdoðan announced the
creation of a "committee of historians" to be composed of both Turks
and Armenians and to be opened to third parties if necessary to
investigate the genocide allegations.
Since then we have not heard any positive response to this offer from
neighboring Armenia. Nor has there been any serious effort made by
the US to convince Yerevan to contribute to the committee.
On the other hand, as the unfortunate tendency to label the World War
I events as genocide continues, the usefulness of the activation of
such a committee alone is questionable.
But if Turkey opens its border with Armenia and starts diplomatic
relations with its neighbor, whose independence it recognized in 1991,
coupled with activating the committee of historians, it may create a
chance for less pressure to be exerted on it regarding the genocide
allegations.
Such a move may also encourage the Armenians to lessen the pressure
exerted upon Yerevan by the strong Armenian diaspora.
CORRECTION
The abbreviation PEJAK, used for the Party for a Free Life in Kurdistan
in my column published in Today's Zaman on Aug. 23, 2007, should read
PJAK. We apologize for any confusion this may have caused.
--Boundary_(ID_Rdc5YqTmKdzPELKY53AlGQ)--