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Today's Zaman, Turkey
Feb 2 2007
Revisiting an old question after murder of Dink: Is there a `deep state'?
Have Turkish institutions been infiltrated by a shadowy deep state»?
The slaying of a prominent ethnic Armenian journalist has renewed
debate about whether a network of renegade agents within the state,
driven by hardline nationalism, is targeting reformists and other
perceived enemies.
Turkish teenager Ogün Samast, suspected of killing journalist Hrant
Dink, center, is escorted by plainclothes policemen as he arrives at
a courthouse in Ýstanbul
Skeptics say the claim fans conspiracy theories and only creates a
bogeyman for Turkey's ills. Whatever the truth, the investigation
into the murder of Hrant Dink _ who was loathed by nationalists
because he urged Turks to recognize the mass killings of Armenians
during World War I as genocide - is under scrutiny despite its
seeming success. Seven suspects, including the teenager who allegedly
pulled the trigger and the man accused of supplying the gun, have
been arrested since the killing two weeks ago.
Uneasy questions are being raised about who holds the levers of power
in a nation where tensions between secularists and Islamists, and
liberals and rightists, have created deep faultlines in society.
The consensus among many government critics is that the plot to kill
Dink involved more than a few nationalists, and that a professional
group with considerable resources at its disposal may have played a
role. Police say they have uncovered no evidence suggesting a wider
conspiracy, and investigators have promised to follow all tips
despite skepticism about how aggressively they will do so.
The idea of `deep state,' or `derin devlet' in Turkish, has been
around for decades. One definition says it is a clandestine group
within the security and intelligence services, as well as the state
bureaucracy, that resists change, sometimes violently.
Another theory says it is not a single group, but a set of beliefs
that espouses the centrality of the state in politics, and whose
protectors include the judiciary and the educational system. The
expression is so common that Turks often joke about it, blaming some
unforeseen development in the workplace or daily life on the `deep
state.'
Little hard evidence has emerged that a `deep state'exists, but even
Turkey's prime minister has given the idea credence.
`The `deep state' has become a tradition. It is a term that has been
used since the Ottoman period,' Erdogan told reporters on Sunday
aboard an airplane bound for an African Union summit in Ethiopia.
`We can describe it as gangs inside a state organization, and this
kind of structure does exist. Our state and our nation have paid a
high price because we have not been able to crack down on such
networks,' the daily Zaman newspaper quoted the prime minister as
saying. The topic is so murky that Yeni Safak, an Islamist newspaper,
once addressed the cloak-and-dagger concept with a reference to the
signature introduction of fiction's most famous spy, James Bond. `My
name is State, Deep State,' read the title of a 2005 column. The
prominence of `deep state' in the Turkish imagination exposes
concerns about the accountability of the military and other
institutions in a nation that seeks to seal its modern status by
joining the European Union, a bid that is virtually on hold because
of a dispute over divided Cyprus.
The military has staged three coups in modern Turkey, and remained
influential after ceding control to civilian governments. Supporters
view it as a guardian of secular values, a vital tool in the fight
against separatist rebels in Kurdish-dominated areas, and the
champion of Turkish Cypriots whose government is unrecognized by any
other nation. Dink, who was shot outside his Istanbul office on Jan.
19, had been prosecuted under a broadly defined law that bans the
denigration of Turkish identity, and he had suggested that judicial
rulings reflected behind-the-scenes allegiance to the state rather
than the rights of citizens.
`The great force, which was just there to bring me down and which let
its existence be felt at all stages of the case with methods unknown
to me, was again behind the curtain,' Dink, 52, wrote obliquely in
one of his last columns in Agos, the weekly Turkish-Armenian
newspaper that he founded.
Dink said he received constant threats for his espousal of minority
Armenian rights, and he criticized top authorities for apparent
indifference. `Other opponents of the bureaucracy have suffered a
similar fate,' said David L. Phillips, a friend of Dink who served as
chairman of the Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation Commission and is now
executive director of The Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity, based
in New York City. `The `deep state' has a history of eliminating its
opponents.'
One case that fueled speculation about the `deep state' was the 1996
Susurluk scandal, named after the town where a car crash revealed
alliances between state officials and mobsters. Passengers who died
in the wrecked Mercedes included Istanbul's No. 2 police officer and
a fugitive hit man.
A probe confirmed suspicions that officials were using radical
nationalists and criminals to intimidate or kill perceived enemies. A
1997 government report accused some police and politicians of hiring
hit men to target journalists, Kurdish rebels and Armenian activists
since the 1980s. Erdogan pledged an investigation `at full speed'
into Dink's killing and his government removed the governor and
police chief of Trabzon, the city on the Black Sea coast that is home
to suspects in the murder.
A year ago, a Turkish teenager shot dead a Roman Catholic priest in
Trabzon; investigators believed that attack was linked to Islamic
anger over the publication in European newspapers of caricatures of
the Prophet Muhammad.
Erdogan, a moderate whose Islamic-rooted Justice and Development
Party is distasteful to some in the secular military, has indicated
that authorities need to tackle more than just youthful triggermen
likely to get relatively lenient sentences if prosecuted as minors.
But Justice Minister Cemil Cicek was ambivalent in an address to the
Ankara Chamber of Commerce on Wednesday.
Feb 2 2007
Revisiting an old question after murder of Dink: Is there a `deep state'?
Have Turkish institutions been infiltrated by a shadowy deep state»?
The slaying of a prominent ethnic Armenian journalist has renewed
debate about whether a network of renegade agents within the state,
driven by hardline nationalism, is targeting reformists and other
perceived enemies.
Turkish teenager Ogün Samast, suspected of killing journalist Hrant
Dink, center, is escorted by plainclothes policemen as he arrives at
a courthouse in Ýstanbul
Skeptics say the claim fans conspiracy theories and only creates a
bogeyman for Turkey's ills. Whatever the truth, the investigation
into the murder of Hrant Dink _ who was loathed by nationalists
because he urged Turks to recognize the mass killings of Armenians
during World War I as genocide - is under scrutiny despite its
seeming success. Seven suspects, including the teenager who allegedly
pulled the trigger and the man accused of supplying the gun, have
been arrested since the killing two weeks ago.
Uneasy questions are being raised about who holds the levers of power
in a nation where tensions between secularists and Islamists, and
liberals and rightists, have created deep faultlines in society.
The consensus among many government critics is that the plot to kill
Dink involved more than a few nationalists, and that a professional
group with considerable resources at its disposal may have played a
role. Police say they have uncovered no evidence suggesting a wider
conspiracy, and investigators have promised to follow all tips
despite skepticism about how aggressively they will do so.
The idea of `deep state,' or `derin devlet' in Turkish, has been
around for decades. One definition says it is a clandestine group
within the security and intelligence services, as well as the state
bureaucracy, that resists change, sometimes violently.
Another theory says it is not a single group, but a set of beliefs
that espouses the centrality of the state in politics, and whose
protectors include the judiciary and the educational system. The
expression is so common that Turks often joke about it, blaming some
unforeseen development in the workplace or daily life on the `deep
state.'
Little hard evidence has emerged that a `deep state'exists, but even
Turkey's prime minister has given the idea credence.
`The `deep state' has become a tradition. It is a term that has been
used since the Ottoman period,' Erdogan told reporters on Sunday
aboard an airplane bound for an African Union summit in Ethiopia.
`We can describe it as gangs inside a state organization, and this
kind of structure does exist. Our state and our nation have paid a
high price because we have not been able to crack down on such
networks,' the daily Zaman newspaper quoted the prime minister as
saying. The topic is so murky that Yeni Safak, an Islamist newspaper,
once addressed the cloak-and-dagger concept with a reference to the
signature introduction of fiction's most famous spy, James Bond. `My
name is State, Deep State,' read the title of a 2005 column. The
prominence of `deep state' in the Turkish imagination exposes
concerns about the accountability of the military and other
institutions in a nation that seeks to seal its modern status by
joining the European Union, a bid that is virtually on hold because
of a dispute over divided Cyprus.
The military has staged three coups in modern Turkey, and remained
influential after ceding control to civilian governments. Supporters
view it as a guardian of secular values, a vital tool in the fight
against separatist rebels in Kurdish-dominated areas, and the
champion of Turkish Cypriots whose government is unrecognized by any
other nation. Dink, who was shot outside his Istanbul office on Jan.
19, had been prosecuted under a broadly defined law that bans the
denigration of Turkish identity, and he had suggested that judicial
rulings reflected behind-the-scenes allegiance to the state rather
than the rights of citizens.
`The great force, which was just there to bring me down and which let
its existence be felt at all stages of the case with methods unknown
to me, was again behind the curtain,' Dink, 52, wrote obliquely in
one of his last columns in Agos, the weekly Turkish-Armenian
newspaper that he founded.
Dink said he received constant threats for his espousal of minority
Armenian rights, and he criticized top authorities for apparent
indifference. `Other opponents of the bureaucracy have suffered a
similar fate,' said David L. Phillips, a friend of Dink who served as
chairman of the Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation Commission and is now
executive director of The Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity, based
in New York City. `The `deep state' has a history of eliminating its
opponents.'
One case that fueled speculation about the `deep state' was the 1996
Susurluk scandal, named after the town where a car crash revealed
alliances between state officials and mobsters. Passengers who died
in the wrecked Mercedes included Istanbul's No. 2 police officer and
a fugitive hit man.
A probe confirmed suspicions that officials were using radical
nationalists and criminals to intimidate or kill perceived enemies. A
1997 government report accused some police and politicians of hiring
hit men to target journalists, Kurdish rebels and Armenian activists
since the 1980s. Erdogan pledged an investigation `at full speed'
into Dink's killing and his government removed the governor and
police chief of Trabzon, the city on the Black Sea coast that is home
to suspects in the murder.
A year ago, a Turkish teenager shot dead a Roman Catholic priest in
Trabzon; investigators believed that attack was linked to Islamic
anger over the publication in European newspapers of caricatures of
the Prophet Muhammad.
Erdogan, a moderate whose Islamic-rooted Justice and Development
Party is distasteful to some in the secular military, has indicated
that authorities need to tackle more than just youthful triggermen
likely to get relatively lenient sentences if prosecuted as minors.
But Justice Minister Cemil Cicek was ambivalent in an address to the
Ankara Chamber of Commerce on Wednesday.