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Documenting A 'Shameful Act': Turkish Emigre Historian Writes On Arm

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  • Documenting A 'Shameful Act': Turkish Emigre Historian Writes On Arm

    DOCUMENTING A 'SHAMEFUL ACT': TURKISH EMIGRE HISTORIAN WRITES ON ARMENIAN GENOCIDE
    By Holger Herwig, Freelance

    The Gazette (Montreal)
    February 10, 2007 Saturday
    Final Edition

    A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility
    By Taner Akcam
    Metropolitan Books, 483 pages, $40

    "What we are dealing with here," Ottoman Minister of the Interior Talat
    Pasha stated in June 1915, "is the annihilation of the Armenians."

    His colleague Cemal Pasha set the number of Armenians slaughtered
    at 800,000; other estimates run as low as 200,000 or as high as 1
    million. Mustafa Kemal, father of modern Turkey, accepted Cemal's
    figure for what he termed a "shameful act" carried out by a small
    clique in the ruling Committee of Union and Progress (CUP).

    Of the original Ottoman Armenian population of 2 million, between
    200,000 and 600,000 survived. Ankara today acknowledges that between
    300,000 and 600,000 non-Muslims died in 1915, but insists that this
    was a "justifiable" act of state necessity. Its refusal to acknowledge
    the genocide is a major stain on its bid to enter the European Union.

    Taner Akcam, an eminent Turkish emigre historian who today teaches
    at the Centre for Holocaust and Genocide Studies at the University of
    Minnesota, has spent years putting the story of the Armenian genocide
    together. It has not been easy. The CUP Central Committee and the
    notorious Special Organization it established to carry out its policy
    systematically purged the records to hide their roles in the genocide;
    numerous records of trials of perpetrators of the "massacre" have
    either been destroyed or scattered; and a general amnesty issued as
    part of the Treaty of Lausanne (1922-23) effectively covered up any
    follow-up trials in the 1920s. By then, Kemal's central objective
    was Turkish independence rather than justice for past acts.

    Still, Akcam has put together a convincing case of central,
    state-planned genocide on the basis of thousands of records that
    escaped the official censors: eyewitness accounts from European
    doctors, nurses and missionaries; diplomatic reports from neutral and
    allied ambassadors, consuls and military officers; and some surviving
    trial records.

    Three attempts were made to bring those responsible to justice.

    First, the Ottoman government set up a series of special courts-martial
    to try the guilty in order to obtain more lenient terms at the Paris
    Peace Conference. Second, under Articles 226 to 230 of the Treaty of
    Sevres (1920), the Allied Powers tried to establish a legal corpus for
    "crimes against humanity" and to seek prosecution in an international
    court. And third, Britain took many of the suspects under custody
    and removed them to Malta for trial.

    This, too, failed, largely because Kemal threatened to execute one
    British prisoner of war for every CUP official hanged.

    The author rejects the standard view that the Armenian genocide was
    an "isolated aberration." Instead, he places it within the context of
    the turbulent years following the Balkan Wars of 1912-13. Stunned not
    only by its unexpected military defeat, but also by the loss of 60 per
    cent of its European territory, the Ottoman government set out under a
    program of official "Pan-Turkism" or "Pan-Turanism" to "homogenize" the
    population of Anatolia - and, in the words of War Minister Enver Pasha,
    to extend it "from the Adriatic Sea to the waters of India." This
    was done by dispersing and relocating non-Turkish Muslims like Kurds
    and Arabs, and by expelling some 2 million non-Muslim, non-Turkish
    peoples like Armenians, Assyrians and Greeks from the region.

    Especially the Armenians, the "world's oldest Christian people," were
    "resettled" in what are today the Syrian and Iraqi deserts. En route,
    hundreds of thousands were starved, beaten, shot and drowned, mainly
    by the CUP's Special Organization, but also by the Ottoman Third Army,
    its irregular Kurdish Hamidiye cavalry, jailed convicts and the Muslim
    refugees only recently forced out of European Turkey. The Armenians'
    wealth was confiscated and their property destroyed or parcelled
    out to create a new Muslim bourgeoisie. American, Austrian, German
    and Scandinavian diplomats reported the genocide; none of their
    governments took action to stop it.

    The book is not a one-sided tale of Ottoman blood lust. Akcam also
    chronicles the slaughter and dispossession of the Muslim populations
    in the Empire's Christian areas, the forced Muslim migrations after
    the Crimean War (1854-56) and the banditry of the Armenian volunteers
    who in 1914-15 joined Russian forces in the Caucasus and committed
    countless atrocities against Muslims.

    But what made the Armenian genocide so particularly appalling is not
    only its scale, but also the fact that it was sponsored by a central
    state government. And that its planners and practitioners used the
    cold terminology - "total extirpation," "complete annihilation,"
    "racial homogeneity" - of a later genocide. Interestingly, Max von
    Scheubner-Richter as German vice-consul at Erzerum in 1915 reported the
    Ottoman policy of "annihilation" of the Armenians to his government;
    as a Nazi ideologue, he died at Adolf Hitler's side during the infamous
    "Beer Hall putsch" of November 1923.

    Genocide has no borders.

    Taner Akcam speaks Friday at 5 p.m. at Chancellor Day Hall of McGill
    University, 3644 Peel St. Holger H. Herwig is a professor of history
    at the University of Calgary.

    GRAPHIC: Photo: METROPOLITAN BOOKS; Taner Akcam describes the Armenian
    genocide as state-planned, he also chronicles atrocities against
    Muslims. ;

    From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
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