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Asharq Alawsat, UK
(The Middle East)
Jan 21 2007
Iran: A Country Divided
21/01/2007
By Sami Shorosh
London, Asharq Al-Awsat- Iran constitutes one of the most diverse
countries in the Middle East in terms of ethnic and religious
composition. This state, which has preserved its geographical and
historical structure, in addition to its borders - at least since the
19th Century without any significant change by virtue of not
participating in the two world wars - has a widely diverse internal
fabric of races, religions and creeds. For this reason, it becomes
difficult to understand the fundamental equations that construct the
make-up of this country, which is spread on a wide range and which
has a population of approximately 70 million, without a clear and
accurate understanding of the constituents and details of this
fabric.
At a first glance, present-day Iranian society ostensibly appears to
be homogenous and harmonious in its ethnic and religious build-up,
but in reality it is but a misleading image of the Iranian arena. The
internal diversity of this Middle Eastern state that spreads from
central Asia to the Persian Gulf is distinguished by historical and
geographical factors and the absence of `openness' and economic
interaction - in addition to an intense suppression. The Khomeini
Revolution in 1978 contributed to the religious ideology of the
Iranian authority and what ensued of disastrous political, cultural,
economic and military attempts that affected the Iranian formations,
particularities and human aspirations, fueling further the internal
fires.
In the book `The Kurds: Nationalism and Politics', British
researcher, Fred Halliday sees that the Iranian constitution, as
opposed to the secular Turkish one, recognizes the ethnic and
cultural pluralism of Iran, however in his view, the problem lies in
the notion that the plurality in the constitution is limited to
language, culture and tradition only. Iranian academic and Professor
of Sociology, Dr Abbas Wali explains that the Iranian (Islamic)
constitution acknowledges the cultural diversities in identities in
the national formations in Iran but disregards the political content
of these identities, furthermore forbidding any national activity
that deviates from the ideology of the prevalent political system,
considering any national differences to be inconsistent with the
prevailing religious rule. Therefore, it would be correct to say that
this diversity in population led to the enrichment of the linguistic,
cultural, literary and spiritual life in Iran but it also took its
toll on the country in terms of its internal political reality and
its conflict and struggles externally, which has led to a substantial
amount of tension and problems.
Political observers do not rule out the possibility of countries,
such as the US, playing the minority card to exert pressure on Iran's
current stands - especially its nuclear development program and its
support of organizations that Washington describes as `terrorist', in
addition to Iran's opposition to the peace process between Israel and
Palestine and its interference in Iraq's internal affairs. Without a
doubt, the populational and cultural diversity in Iran cannot act as
a source of imminent threat to stable or democratic societies, or
those not involved in external conflicts, but the situation is
different in Iran. The escalating tensions that the country faces
with the United States and the international community, coupled with
internal problems on all levels; political, economic and cultural
herald a turn for the worse - add to that the increasing unemployment
amongst youth and the continuous subtle hints that point towards the
imposition of international sanctions upon it.
Iran's internal fabric is comprised of the following ethnic groups:
1-Persians, who largely dominate the country's political institution,
in addition to its culture, literature and official language.
2-Azeris, (Azerbaijani) who share the same faith of the current
regime and who have noticeable control of the trade markets (bazaars)
in Tehran and other major cities.
3-Kurds, who are mainly spread in northwestern Iran, or what the
Kurds refer to as Eastern Kurdistan, the most prominent cities of
which are Mehebad (Mahabad), Sine (Saqqez), Karmanshah and Sardasht.
4-Arabs, who live in Khuzestan, or what is referred to by Arab
Iranians as `Arabistan'. The most renowned cities of which are Ahvaz
(Ahwaz) and Khorramshahr, and some parts in the eastern coast of the
Gulf.
5-Turkmen, who are spread out in southern Turkmenistan.
6-Baloch, who live in the areas of Kerman and Zahedan.
Additionally, there exist independent tribal groups whose allegiances
are divided between the Farsi, Azerbaijani and Kurdish nationalities
such as the Bakhtiari and the Lur. The truth is no census exists with
an accurate record of the existing ethnicities in Iran - especially
since the governmental institution has long since avoided compiling
statistics. Moreover, the dominance of the Persian language,
literature and culture among Iranians over the past few centuries -
especially since the decades that preceded the rise of the Islamic
republic in Iran - makes it more difficult to view the existing
ethnical differences. The closest known estimates are: 40-45 percent
Persian; 30-35 percent Azeris; 9 percent Kurds; 4 percent Arabs; 3
percent Baloch; 2 percent Turkmen; Armenians and Assyrians combined
constitute 2 percent; and a further 2 percent are independent tribal
groups.
The Azeris speak a dialect of the Turkish language and they are
spread in the northwestern region of Iran of which Tabriz is the
capital. Although they follow the Islamic Shia creed, their
nationalistic inclinations are affiliated to their ethnical Turkish
origins, according to numerous Azerbaijani researchers. Despite
sharing the same religious creed, Shiism, the Azeris are
distinguished by their nationalistic spirit, which is why they
declared they were supported by the former United Soviet Socialist
Republic (USSR), in the northwestern region of the country during the
period that followed World War II. It is true that the Iranian forces
succeeded in quashing the republic less than a year after it was
formed, and yet the Azeri nationalistic movement continued to regard
the Persian role with suspicion and mistrust based on the former's
belief that they are the true fundamental basis of the Iranian state,
achieved at the hands of their historic leader Ismail Safavi who was
the one to announce Shiism as the official doctrine of the Savafid
(Safavi) Iranian Empire in the 13th Century. According to the
nationalistic among the Azerbaijanis, the loss of their right to rule
Iran is a result of the Persian cultural and literary hegemony
practiced in the country. Despite that, the Azeris still continue to
be at the helm of trade activities and the economy in Iran yet still
felt alienated and ignored in politics and culture, which is what led
to a number of demonstrations in a number of Azeri provinces last
year, protesting against the Iranian government's disregard of their
language. In turn, the Iranian security forces arrested a number of
Azerbaijani political activists on charges of illicit dealings with
Turkey.
Despite the 25 percent of the Kurdish population that follows the
Shia doctrine, the majority of whom are spread throughout the
provinces of Kermanshah and Ilam, we find that historically the
relationship between the two parties remains `unnatural'. The Kurds
have often taken up arms in the face of the Iranian governments and
empires as a result of feeling that the central authorities rejected
their local peculiarities. This is what is declared as the reason
that drove the Kurds to declare an independent republic, with Mahabad
as its capital in 1946. However the Kurdish Republic, like its Azeri
counterpart lasted no longer than 11 months after the Iranian forces
crushed it weeks after vanquishing the Republic of Azerbaijan.
Presently, the Iranian government allows for the publication of a
number of cultural Kurdish magazines and other publications in the
Kurdish language, as there are active Kurdish cultural centers in
Tehran. A Kurdish literary union was established in Saqqez, in
addition to a number of orchestras and arts groups, which have been
allowed to practice their activities. But political activity was
prohibited. In this domain, last year saw a number of bloody
demonstrations in the Kurdish areas demanding political rights. It
should be noted that the Kurds accuse the Iranian security forces of
being responsible for the assassination of the Iranian Kurdish
leader, Dr Ebdulrehman Qasimlo in the Austrian capital, Vienna, in
1989, and Dr Sadegh Sharafkandi in Berlin in 1992.
Iran's Arabs inhabit the oil-rich Khuzestan and although the majority
follows Islam (Shia), the Sunni followers form a force to be reckoned
with among them. A few months ago, according to human rights findings
conducted by the United Nations (UN), it was noted that the Iranian
government was unjustifiably harshly treating the Iranian Arabs and
was limiting job opportunities for them, in addition to tampering
with their topographical composition in the region by sending Arab
families to faraway cities and bringing families of other
nationalities to live in their place. In this same report,
international supervisors from the UN demanded that the Iranian
government not execute capital punishment on three activist Arab
politicians. As such, the Arab areas, Ahwaz province in particular,
constitutes a hub for political oppositional activities led by
clandestine (Arab) organizations, many of whom Iranian officials
accuse the US and Britain of supporting and encouraging. Arab sources
who believe that that the Iranian government is attempting to
displace Arabs by tampering with their topographical makeup in
Khuzestan, which is considered one of the world's richest areas by
virtue of its oil, believe that the main aim is to reduce the Arab
presence in the province from 70 percent to 30 percent.
UN special rapporteur, Miloon Kothari, who visited Iran in 2005,
accused the Iranian government of attempting to change the Arab and
Kurdish demographic makeup, in addition to restricting job
opportunities and exercising sectarian pressure on them. It should be
pointed out that Khuzestan, which has a number of active political
parties and organizations, including the Popular Democratic Front of
Ahwazi Arabs has witnessed a number of terrorist operations over the
past two years. Only last month, Iran's Supreme Judicial Council
declared the Arab Lejnat al-Wefaq party (Committee of
Reconciliation), which is active in Ahwaz, illegal on the grounds
that it was flouting the Islamic regime. Previously the Iranian
security forces killed three Arab youth during a demonstration in
Ahwaz, in addition to arresting 250 people.
Other nationalistic formations include the Turkmen, who are spread
over areas that overlook the Caspian Sea in the northeastern tip of
the country and the Baluch who live on the border areas adjacent to
Afghanistan and Pakistan - most of whom are Sunni, in addition to the
Uzbek minority who are spread in the northeastern region of the
country. What is striking about these nationalities is that they form
extensions of the larger ethnical groups who have their own
independent states neighboring or close to Iran. Since Tehran is not
concerned with local peculiarities and economic development, the
majority of the youth is attracted to these states and is inspired by
their nationalistic spirit and values and cling to their ethnical
origins. Recently, the Iranian government has deployed forces from
the police and the Iranian Guard in the Baluch region, particularly
in Kerman and Zahedan and the areas that surround them under the
pretext of combating the cross-border smuggling trade.
But ethnic diversity does not constitute the sole feature in the
mosaic Iranian society; religion and sectarianism also play a large
role. The following are the approximations of Iran's population:
1-Shia: 70 percent
2-Sunni: 20-25 percent
3-Other religions (Christians, Jews, Zoroastrians, Baha'is, and
Zaydis): 5 percent.
Followers of other religions are spread throughout the major cities
such as Tehran, Isfahan, Tabriz, Hamedan, while Sunnis are
concentrated in Kerman, Zahedan, Kurdistan and the areas inhabited by
Turkmen, in addition to pockets in the coastal areas of the gulf of
Khuzestan (Arabistan). The reality is that the Iranian government has
displayed remarkable attention towards caring for the peculiarities
of these religious groups and did not hesitate in allocating a
parliamentary seat to each of the groups, save the Sunnis who have
more than one seat. And yet in the end, the government did not
succeed in establishing good relations with these religious groups.
In Kerman and Zahedan sectarian groups actively oppose the
government; however Tehran ignores their political and cultural
demands and instead focuses its attention on the illegal involvements
with neighboring Pakistan. Likewise, the Christians are persecuted
under the accusation of their involvement with foreign countries such
as the US, Britain and Germany. The western region in Iran has a
large number of tribal formations with their own linguistic and
social peculiarities, distinguished by their mountainous cultures and
their unique economic life. What is remarkable is that none of these
aforementioned groups consider themselves to be Persian nationals,
such as the Bakhiaris who claim that they are descendents of the
Lurs, the Lurs in turn believe that they have descended from the
Kurds, among other examples. Most Orientalists and specialists in
Iranian civilization will agree that over half the Iranian population
is affiliated to non-Persian ethnic groups.
The period that followed the rise of the Khomeini revolution in 1978,
a year later, saw the significant flourishing of Iran's ethnical
groups. Less than a year later, April 1979, the government embarked
on bloody campaigns against the various ethnicities - particularly in
Kurdistan and Arabistan and against the Turkmen of Iran. The
religious regime left no room for cultural liberties in its
constitution, especially article 19. This resulted in the
establishment of a number radio and television channels and a large
number of publications in languages other than Persian, which
reflects the buzz of cultural activity, but still, more rights are
being demanded. Amnesty International issued a report last February
condemning the practices of the Iranian government against ethnic and
religious groups and sects, especially related to the acquisition of
lands and displacement, standard of living and the harsh economic
conditions for these groups unto the sentences issued by the
judiciary against political activists.
In a situation like this, the burning question remains: What if the
UN Security Council imposes international sanctions on Iran? Or what
if the current tensions between Iran and the international community
were to lead to a military war?
(The Middle East)
Jan 21 2007
Iran: A Country Divided
21/01/2007
By Sami Shorosh
London, Asharq Al-Awsat- Iran constitutes one of the most diverse
countries in the Middle East in terms of ethnic and religious
composition. This state, which has preserved its geographical and
historical structure, in addition to its borders - at least since the
19th Century without any significant change by virtue of not
participating in the two world wars - has a widely diverse internal
fabric of races, religions and creeds. For this reason, it becomes
difficult to understand the fundamental equations that construct the
make-up of this country, which is spread on a wide range and which
has a population of approximately 70 million, without a clear and
accurate understanding of the constituents and details of this
fabric.
At a first glance, present-day Iranian society ostensibly appears to
be homogenous and harmonious in its ethnic and religious build-up,
but in reality it is but a misleading image of the Iranian arena. The
internal diversity of this Middle Eastern state that spreads from
central Asia to the Persian Gulf is distinguished by historical and
geographical factors and the absence of `openness' and economic
interaction - in addition to an intense suppression. The Khomeini
Revolution in 1978 contributed to the religious ideology of the
Iranian authority and what ensued of disastrous political, cultural,
economic and military attempts that affected the Iranian formations,
particularities and human aspirations, fueling further the internal
fires.
In the book `The Kurds: Nationalism and Politics', British
researcher, Fred Halliday sees that the Iranian constitution, as
opposed to the secular Turkish one, recognizes the ethnic and
cultural pluralism of Iran, however in his view, the problem lies in
the notion that the plurality in the constitution is limited to
language, culture and tradition only. Iranian academic and Professor
of Sociology, Dr Abbas Wali explains that the Iranian (Islamic)
constitution acknowledges the cultural diversities in identities in
the national formations in Iran but disregards the political content
of these identities, furthermore forbidding any national activity
that deviates from the ideology of the prevalent political system,
considering any national differences to be inconsistent with the
prevailing religious rule. Therefore, it would be correct to say that
this diversity in population led to the enrichment of the linguistic,
cultural, literary and spiritual life in Iran but it also took its
toll on the country in terms of its internal political reality and
its conflict and struggles externally, which has led to a substantial
amount of tension and problems.
Political observers do not rule out the possibility of countries,
such as the US, playing the minority card to exert pressure on Iran's
current stands - especially its nuclear development program and its
support of organizations that Washington describes as `terrorist', in
addition to Iran's opposition to the peace process between Israel and
Palestine and its interference in Iraq's internal affairs. Without a
doubt, the populational and cultural diversity in Iran cannot act as
a source of imminent threat to stable or democratic societies, or
those not involved in external conflicts, but the situation is
different in Iran. The escalating tensions that the country faces
with the United States and the international community, coupled with
internal problems on all levels; political, economic and cultural
herald a turn for the worse - add to that the increasing unemployment
amongst youth and the continuous subtle hints that point towards the
imposition of international sanctions upon it.
Iran's internal fabric is comprised of the following ethnic groups:
1-Persians, who largely dominate the country's political institution,
in addition to its culture, literature and official language.
2-Azeris, (Azerbaijani) who share the same faith of the current
regime and who have noticeable control of the trade markets (bazaars)
in Tehran and other major cities.
3-Kurds, who are mainly spread in northwestern Iran, or what the
Kurds refer to as Eastern Kurdistan, the most prominent cities of
which are Mehebad (Mahabad), Sine (Saqqez), Karmanshah and Sardasht.
4-Arabs, who live in Khuzestan, or what is referred to by Arab
Iranians as `Arabistan'. The most renowned cities of which are Ahvaz
(Ahwaz) and Khorramshahr, and some parts in the eastern coast of the
Gulf.
5-Turkmen, who are spread out in southern Turkmenistan.
6-Baloch, who live in the areas of Kerman and Zahedan.
Additionally, there exist independent tribal groups whose allegiances
are divided between the Farsi, Azerbaijani and Kurdish nationalities
such as the Bakhtiari and the Lur. The truth is no census exists with
an accurate record of the existing ethnicities in Iran - especially
since the governmental institution has long since avoided compiling
statistics. Moreover, the dominance of the Persian language,
literature and culture among Iranians over the past few centuries -
especially since the decades that preceded the rise of the Islamic
republic in Iran - makes it more difficult to view the existing
ethnical differences. The closest known estimates are: 40-45 percent
Persian; 30-35 percent Azeris; 9 percent Kurds; 4 percent Arabs; 3
percent Baloch; 2 percent Turkmen; Armenians and Assyrians combined
constitute 2 percent; and a further 2 percent are independent tribal
groups.
The Azeris speak a dialect of the Turkish language and they are
spread in the northwestern region of Iran of which Tabriz is the
capital. Although they follow the Islamic Shia creed, their
nationalistic inclinations are affiliated to their ethnical Turkish
origins, according to numerous Azerbaijani researchers. Despite
sharing the same religious creed, Shiism, the Azeris are
distinguished by their nationalistic spirit, which is why they
declared they were supported by the former United Soviet Socialist
Republic (USSR), in the northwestern region of the country during the
period that followed World War II. It is true that the Iranian forces
succeeded in quashing the republic less than a year after it was
formed, and yet the Azeri nationalistic movement continued to regard
the Persian role with suspicion and mistrust based on the former's
belief that they are the true fundamental basis of the Iranian state,
achieved at the hands of their historic leader Ismail Safavi who was
the one to announce Shiism as the official doctrine of the Savafid
(Safavi) Iranian Empire in the 13th Century. According to the
nationalistic among the Azerbaijanis, the loss of their right to rule
Iran is a result of the Persian cultural and literary hegemony
practiced in the country. Despite that, the Azeris still continue to
be at the helm of trade activities and the economy in Iran yet still
felt alienated and ignored in politics and culture, which is what led
to a number of demonstrations in a number of Azeri provinces last
year, protesting against the Iranian government's disregard of their
language. In turn, the Iranian security forces arrested a number of
Azerbaijani political activists on charges of illicit dealings with
Turkey.
Despite the 25 percent of the Kurdish population that follows the
Shia doctrine, the majority of whom are spread throughout the
provinces of Kermanshah and Ilam, we find that historically the
relationship between the two parties remains `unnatural'. The Kurds
have often taken up arms in the face of the Iranian governments and
empires as a result of feeling that the central authorities rejected
their local peculiarities. This is what is declared as the reason
that drove the Kurds to declare an independent republic, with Mahabad
as its capital in 1946. However the Kurdish Republic, like its Azeri
counterpart lasted no longer than 11 months after the Iranian forces
crushed it weeks after vanquishing the Republic of Azerbaijan.
Presently, the Iranian government allows for the publication of a
number of cultural Kurdish magazines and other publications in the
Kurdish language, as there are active Kurdish cultural centers in
Tehran. A Kurdish literary union was established in Saqqez, in
addition to a number of orchestras and arts groups, which have been
allowed to practice their activities. But political activity was
prohibited. In this domain, last year saw a number of bloody
demonstrations in the Kurdish areas demanding political rights. It
should be noted that the Kurds accuse the Iranian security forces of
being responsible for the assassination of the Iranian Kurdish
leader, Dr Ebdulrehman Qasimlo in the Austrian capital, Vienna, in
1989, and Dr Sadegh Sharafkandi in Berlin in 1992.
Iran's Arabs inhabit the oil-rich Khuzestan and although the majority
follows Islam (Shia), the Sunni followers form a force to be reckoned
with among them. A few months ago, according to human rights findings
conducted by the United Nations (UN), it was noted that the Iranian
government was unjustifiably harshly treating the Iranian Arabs and
was limiting job opportunities for them, in addition to tampering
with their topographical composition in the region by sending Arab
families to faraway cities and bringing families of other
nationalities to live in their place. In this same report,
international supervisors from the UN demanded that the Iranian
government not execute capital punishment on three activist Arab
politicians. As such, the Arab areas, Ahwaz province in particular,
constitutes a hub for political oppositional activities led by
clandestine (Arab) organizations, many of whom Iranian officials
accuse the US and Britain of supporting and encouraging. Arab sources
who believe that that the Iranian government is attempting to
displace Arabs by tampering with their topographical makeup in
Khuzestan, which is considered one of the world's richest areas by
virtue of its oil, believe that the main aim is to reduce the Arab
presence in the province from 70 percent to 30 percent.
UN special rapporteur, Miloon Kothari, who visited Iran in 2005,
accused the Iranian government of attempting to change the Arab and
Kurdish demographic makeup, in addition to restricting job
opportunities and exercising sectarian pressure on them. It should be
pointed out that Khuzestan, which has a number of active political
parties and organizations, including the Popular Democratic Front of
Ahwazi Arabs has witnessed a number of terrorist operations over the
past two years. Only last month, Iran's Supreme Judicial Council
declared the Arab Lejnat al-Wefaq party (Committee of
Reconciliation), which is active in Ahwaz, illegal on the grounds
that it was flouting the Islamic regime. Previously the Iranian
security forces killed three Arab youth during a demonstration in
Ahwaz, in addition to arresting 250 people.
Other nationalistic formations include the Turkmen, who are spread
over areas that overlook the Caspian Sea in the northeastern tip of
the country and the Baluch who live on the border areas adjacent to
Afghanistan and Pakistan - most of whom are Sunni, in addition to the
Uzbek minority who are spread in the northeastern region of the
country. What is striking about these nationalities is that they form
extensions of the larger ethnical groups who have their own
independent states neighboring or close to Iran. Since Tehran is not
concerned with local peculiarities and economic development, the
majority of the youth is attracted to these states and is inspired by
their nationalistic spirit and values and cling to their ethnical
origins. Recently, the Iranian government has deployed forces from
the police and the Iranian Guard in the Baluch region, particularly
in Kerman and Zahedan and the areas that surround them under the
pretext of combating the cross-border smuggling trade.
But ethnic diversity does not constitute the sole feature in the
mosaic Iranian society; religion and sectarianism also play a large
role. The following are the approximations of Iran's population:
1-Shia: 70 percent
2-Sunni: 20-25 percent
3-Other religions (Christians, Jews, Zoroastrians, Baha'is, and
Zaydis): 5 percent.
Followers of other religions are spread throughout the major cities
such as Tehran, Isfahan, Tabriz, Hamedan, while Sunnis are
concentrated in Kerman, Zahedan, Kurdistan and the areas inhabited by
Turkmen, in addition to pockets in the coastal areas of the gulf of
Khuzestan (Arabistan). The reality is that the Iranian government has
displayed remarkable attention towards caring for the peculiarities
of these religious groups and did not hesitate in allocating a
parliamentary seat to each of the groups, save the Sunnis who have
more than one seat. And yet in the end, the government did not
succeed in establishing good relations with these religious groups.
In Kerman and Zahedan sectarian groups actively oppose the
government; however Tehran ignores their political and cultural
demands and instead focuses its attention on the illegal involvements
with neighboring Pakistan. Likewise, the Christians are persecuted
under the accusation of their involvement with foreign countries such
as the US, Britain and Germany. The western region in Iran has a
large number of tribal formations with their own linguistic and
social peculiarities, distinguished by their mountainous cultures and
their unique economic life. What is remarkable is that none of these
aforementioned groups consider themselves to be Persian nationals,
such as the Bakhiaris who claim that they are descendents of the
Lurs, the Lurs in turn believe that they have descended from the
Kurds, among other examples. Most Orientalists and specialists in
Iranian civilization will agree that over half the Iranian population
is affiliated to non-Persian ethnic groups.
The period that followed the rise of the Khomeini revolution in 1978,
a year later, saw the significant flourishing of Iran's ethnical
groups. Less than a year later, April 1979, the government embarked
on bloody campaigns against the various ethnicities - particularly in
Kurdistan and Arabistan and against the Turkmen of Iran. The
religious regime left no room for cultural liberties in its
constitution, especially article 19. This resulted in the
establishment of a number radio and television channels and a large
number of publications in languages other than Persian, which
reflects the buzz of cultural activity, but still, more rights are
being demanded. Amnesty International issued a report last February
condemning the practices of the Iranian government against ethnic and
religious groups and sects, especially related to the acquisition of
lands and displacement, standard of living and the harsh economic
conditions for these groups unto the sentences issued by the
judiciary against political activists.
In a situation like this, the burning question remains: What if the
UN Security Council imposes international sanctions on Iran? Or what
if the current tensions between Iran and the international community
were to lead to a military war?