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Politization Of The Menace Posed By Landmines Is Unacceptable

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  • Politization Of The Menace Posed By Landmines Is Unacceptable

    POLITIZATION OF THE MENACE POSED BY LANDMINES IS UNACCEPTABLE
    by Mamuka Gachechiladze
    Translated by A. Ignatkin

    Source: Nezavisimaya Gazeta, May 28, 2007, p. 16
    Agency WPS
    DEFENSE and SECURITY (Russia)
    May 30, 2007 Wednesday

    Lack of information on threats costs people lives

    PROBLEM OF LANDMINES IN GEORGIA; An update on the problem antipersonnel
    mines pose in Georgia.

    Most landmines on the territory of Georgia are in conflict areas.

    Even in the relatively tranquil regions, however, landmines and
    blind shells constitute a grave danger. Landmines around the still
    functioning or abandoned Russian military objects pose a threat to
    the locals' life and limbs as well. According to the Defense Ministry
    of Georgia, Russia withheld information on minefields or the location
    of other high explosives when it was turning over its military bases
    to the Georgian military.

    Surveys and assessments appraise the problem at hand as limited or
    minimal. Landmines meanwhile are frequently discovered on territories
    adjacent to Armenia, Azerbaijan, Turkey, and on the Dagestani, Chechen,
    and Ingushetian parts of the Georgian-Russian border.

    Georgian state officials maintain that the country has never made,
    exported, or imported antipersonnel mines in all the years of
    sovereignty. What Georgia inherited from the Soviet Union is regarded
    as a small number of antipersonnel mines but how many exactly is
    anybody's guess. A moratorium on the use of antipersonnel landmines
    has been in force in Georgia since September 1996.

    The frequency of emergencies is one of the criteria of evaluating the
    danger posed by landmines and blind shells. Thirty-one landmine and
    explosive devices of other types were triggered in Georgia between
    the second half of 2006 and April 2007. Official statistical data on
    the noncombatants who perished or were maimed in these explosions are
    not compiled by the Georgian state. ICBL GC (Georgian Committee of the
    International Campaign to Ban Landmines) alone bothers to compile the
    data, but even what it ends up with is not complete because the warring
    sides are extremely uncooperative. Constant political speculations
    and mutual accusations in the meantime make the compilation of hard
    information even more difficult.

    There is one other difficulty that should be taken into
    consideration. There is no national agency in Georgia responsible
    for the coordination of the actions in connection with landmines. The
    Defense Ministry is responsible for landmine defusing in the areas of
    hostilities and in military bases, while the Interior Ministry is in
    charge when the matter concerns settlements, highways, and railroads.

    Sources from the office of the president of Georgia announced in
    May 2005 that a crisis center was to be formed under the aegis of
    the National Security Council and that it would include a department
    responsible for the landmine police, the evaluation of needs in this
    sphere, and efficiency of defusing efforts.

    The situation in the area of the Tskhinvali armed conflict is
    particularly problematic. OSCE representatives said in May 2005 that
    peacekeepers were surveying the terrain to make maps of minefields.

    Georgian officials believe that all major minefields have been
    mapped already, but point out that OSCE observers keep gathering
    data on the likely minefields and tragic incidents. ICBL GC regularly
    brings the matter of landmines and high explosives to the attention of
    Tbilisi, the actual authorities running the region, and international
    organizations. It is noncombatants gathering wood in the forests and
    children who usually fall victim to landmines. The ICBL GC keeps
    badgering structures (national and international, recognized and
    denied recognition) to take adequate measures both in conflict areas
    and throughout Georgia. Unfortunately, the problem is inevitably made
    political, and negotiations over it are essentially political too.

    All of that impairs the process of defusing, which means that other
    measures are desperately and urgently needed.

    Engineering reconnaissance of the territories is needed, preferably
    with help from international organizations. Experts agree that the
    establishment of a joint Georgian-Ossetian bomb disposal squad is
    needed (in cooperation with peacekeepers, that is) for the optimal
    solution of the problem in the Georgian-Ossetian conflict area. As
    a matter of fact, there is certain experience in humanitarian bomb
    disposal in the southern part of the Caucasus to draw on. Seventy
    US instructors ran training courses for Georgian, Azerbaijani, and
    Armenian military specialists in Krtsanisi not far from Tbilisi in
    September 2000.

    Before getting to defusing itself, however, some serious work should
    be organized with the population of the areas in question and with
    military contingents quartered there. Defusing and humanitarian
    defusing are different procedures. What we need is humanitarian
    defusing, and the distinction is vital.

    When the OSCE mission and other international organizations state
    that they have humanitarian defusing capacity, it is necessary first
    and foremost to inform the population of the existing danger.

    Humanitarian defusing takes time. If the program suggested by the
    ICBL GC is accepted and initiated, the information campaign which is
    really a must may begin without delay.

    It should also be added that Georgia is not yet a signatory of the
    Antipersonnel Mine Ban Treaty but supports the global ban on the use
    of antipersonnel mines. Moreover, it has voted "aye" on all annual
    resolutions of the UN General Assembly banning antipersonnel mines
    ever since 1996. In may 2005, Georgy Dolidze of the Foreign Ministry
    announced that the matter of subscription to the Antipersonnel Mine
    Ban Treaty was being reconsidered after the Rose Revolution, i.e.
    that it would be signed.

    Mamuka Gachechiladze is ICBL GC Executive Director, researcher for
    and author of the annual Landmine Monitor, Georgia report since 2000.
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