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ARMENIAN REPORTER
PO Box 129
Paramus, New Jersey 07652
Tel: 1-201-226-1995
Fax: 1-201-226-1660
Web: http://www.reporter.am
Email: [email protected]
June 16, 2007 -- From the front section
To see the printed version of the newspaper, complete with photographs and
additional content, visit www.reporter.am and download the pdf files. It's
free.
1. 14 found guilty so far in election fraud cases (by Armen Hakobyan)
* Prison terms for manipulating tallies, bribing voters
2. Armenia's hi-tech future will be the focus of ArmTech '07 in San
Francisco (by Michael McAllister)
3. From Washington, in brief (by Emil Sanamyan)
* Armenia still on U.S. trafficking "Watch List"
* Professor uncovers U.S.-based anti-Armenian propagandist
* Poll: Turks see U.S. as the biggest threat to their security
* Turkish government opposes invasion of Iraqi Kurdistan
* Experts: Russia's Azerbaijan radar offer doesn't make technical sense
* Bush wants Kosovo independence "sooner rather than later"
4. Poll: Armenians, others on their life, finances, and economy
5. Interview: Washington's Dean Shahinian straddles Congress, Armenian
community service (part 2)
6. Two centuries after his death, Sayat Nova, the "King of Songs," still
holds court in Tbilisi (by Talin Suciyan)
7. "Vision + Visitors =3D Success": A seminar provides Armenia's museums with
self-improvement tools (by Betty Panossian-Ter Sargssian)
* Planting seeds for visitor satisfaction in museums
8. Armen Gevorgian appointed NSC secretary
9. Commentary: What will happen when Armenia meets Azerbaijan in the field
of . . . soccer? (by Edward Shnorhokian)
* A reminiscence of Edward K. Boghosian
10. Commentary: "Secular" does not mean "democratic" (by Moorad Mooradian)
11. Commentary: Time works against those who waste it (by Tatul Hakobyan)
* The greatest threat against Karabakh is demographic
12. Letters
* Contra "kef" (Levon A. Saryan, Ph.D.)
* Just say "No" to a new nuclear power plant (Anne Shirinian-Orlando, Ph.D.)
* A fitting tribute to George Mgrdichian (Armen Mirakian)
13. Editorial: Turkey plays with fire in northern Iraq
14. Editorial: Signs of maturity
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1. 14 found guilty so far in election fraud cases
* Prison terms for manipulating tallies, bribing voters
by Armen Hakobyan
YEREVAN -- In the aftermath of Armenia's May 12 parliamentary elections, 14
individuals have been found guilty of violating the electoral laws and have
been sentenced, the press liaison of the prosecutor general's office told
the "Armenian Reporter."
In Kotayk, on May 10 candidate Sasun Mikayelian complained that Hrazdan
city resident Bella Melkonian was handing out bribes to voters. Prosecutors
charged that Hrazdan resident Aramayis Alexanian, with Ms. Melkonian's help,
had handed out 4,000 dram ($11) bribes to 32 residents to vote in favor of
another candidate. The Kotayk regional trial court heard the case and found
Mr. Alexanian and Ms. Melkonian guilty of violating the electoral code. Both
were sentenced to one year's imprisonment. Ms. Melkonian's sentence was
suspended.
In Armavir on May 12, candidate Rustam Gasparian's representative
complained that two people had been seen handing out bribes. The two had
been dragged to Mr. Gasparian's headquarters, where they were allegedly
found to be in possession of 14 passports and a list of 45 people. The
prosecutor general pressed charges against one of them, Yeghishe Sargsian.
The trial court found Mr. Sargsian guilty of violating the electoral code
and sentenced him to a year's imprisonment. The court suspended the
sentence.
In Gegharkunik, on May 12, the chair of the electoral commission for
precinct 23/39 complained that at 7:45 p.m. Ovkian Meloyan, a member of the
commission, had left the precinct in possession of a register of voters
holding the names of a thousand voters and the signatures of those who had
voted. Police and a prosecutor went to the precinct and soon afterward, Mr.
Meloyan came back with the register. The prosecutor general pressed charges,
the trial court found Mr. Meloyan guilty of violating the electoral code,
and fined him 300,000 drams ($860).
The Central Electoral Commission on May 18 complained that in Aragatsotn,
the precinct electoral commission for precinct 15/16 had committed fraud in
tabulating the results of the proportional ballot. The complaint was based
on a recount of the ballots by the district electoral commission. The
prosecutor general pressed charges against all nine members of the precinct
electoral commission. All nine were found guilty. Commission chair Armen
Eloyan was sentenced to 18 months imprisonment. The other eight members were
given the same sentence, which was suspended.
In Ararat, Kristapor Babajanian, a proxy for candidate Tigran Stepanian,
complained that on Election Day, while the ballots were being counted, he
and his colleague Babken Stepanian were approached by a Jeep and fired at.
According to the prosecutor general, the Jeep belonged to Samvel Sahakian,
former executive director of Masis Tobacco. It was driven by a member of
Masis Tobacco's security detail. A passenger, Mushegh Lalazarian, head of
security for Masis Tobacco, was in possession of a hunting rifle and fired
it twice. No one was injured. Mr. Lalazarian was charged with possession of
a deadly weapon in the vicinity of an electoral precinct and armed assault.
He was found guilty and sentenced to two years' imprisonment.
Still pending is a case against Jivan Sargsian, chair of the electoral
commission for precinct 14/55 in the Vardenis village of Aragatsotn. He is
charged with taking votes cast for certain opposition parties and adding
them to the tally of other parties.
* Constitutional Court affirms election results
The Impeachment bloc and the New Times, Republic, and Country of Laws
parties had filed suit with Armenia's Constitutional Court demanding that
the court overturn the Central Electoral Commission decision certifying the
May 12 elections, and order new elections. After hearings, the court on
Sunday, June 10, denied the petition. It did, however, refer the few
specific violations cited by the plaintiffs to the prosecutor general for
action. These were violations in six precincts. (There are 1,648 precincts.)
The prosecutor general's press liaison told the "Armenian Reporter" that
as of June 15, the cases had not been received.
The immediate result of the court's decision was that candidates elected
on the Country of Laws and Heritage tickets went to the Central Electoral
Commission and collected their mandates. They had earlier refused to pick up
their mandates and had not participated in the opening session of parliament
on the grounds that the results of the election were still being disputed in
the Constitutional Court.
Still pending before the Constitutional Court are three complaints about
majoritarian district results.
**************************************** ***********************************
2. Armenia's hi-tech future will be the focus of ArmTech '07 in San
Francisco
by Michael McAllister
SAN FRANCISCO -- The Armenian Technology Congress, a Silicon Valley-based
organization founded by technology and business professionals, will be
launching "ArmTech '07," a conference linking Armenian and other
professionals from around the world to develop a "global focus in high
technology."
The conference will open with a gala banquet on July 3, which will be
followed by two and a-half days of presentations, exhibits, and networking
opportunities.
The event, open to all, will focus on concepts and trends in Armenia's
high tech industry, rather than on specific technologies. "Conference
attendees do not have to have technical background," says Tony Moroyan,
founder of ArmTech, "By coming to this conference, you will know what's
going on with high tech in Armenia. What's gone on in the past; what is the
present; and where it is heading." He hopes the conference will help people
in the international community take notice of Armenia -- and help present
the country as an important destination for investments and high tech
industry.
To that end the conference -- a non-profit, volunteer-run event envisioned
as recurring every two years -- will bring together representatives of
government, industries, and universities, from both Armenia and the United
States. Keynote speakers will include Vartan Oskanian, Armenia's Minister of
Foreign Affairs; Vahram Nercissiantz, Chief Economic Advisor to President
Kocharian; and California State Senator Joe Simitian.
Other speakers will include faculty from John Hopkins and UC-Berkeley, as
well as executives from both high tech and investment corporations like
Synopsis, Inc., and Morgan Stanley.
* Once a high-tech hotbed
Since Armenia's independence, high tech companies working mainly in software
design have formed within its borders. But Moroyan sees the possibility of
further high tech development in areas such as telecommunications,
semiconductors, and renewable energy.
In the past, Armenia was a hotbed of high technology: the veritable
Silicon Valley of the Soviet Union. When the Soviet Union collapsed, so did
Armenia's economy, and the country lost that noteworthy role.
That was when Moroyan and his peers in the high tech industry began to get
involved. In 1991, when Moroyan was an executive with Hitachi America, the
Armenian government invited him to visit, to help assess the state of their
high tech industry, how it compared to the rest of the world, and how they
could keep their valuable scientists busy. Moroyan, whose parents were
orphans from the 1915 Genocides, had himself never been to Armenia. "You go
there and sit in front of Mount Aragats," he says, "and you fall in love. It
does something to you."
Moroyan's visit gave him a clearer idea of both the challenges and the
opportunities in Armenia's present economic climate. He sees that Armenia's
past adversities can work to its benefit. "We had to survive in the world,"
he says. "We are very good at solving difficult issues, difficult problems."
To that end, he feels that it is essential that Armenia develop and work
with the latest technologies, to stay competitive in the global economy.
* Like a body's nervous system
Moroyan, a seasoned Silicon Valley executive in venture and incubation
activities, feels that the timing for the conference is right. Noting
Armenia's land-locked geography, which limits its trade opportunities, and
its lack of exportable natural resources, Moroyan feels that high tech is an
essential industry for the country's future, as it depends more upon skilled
labor than raw materials.
"High tech is like the nervous system of the body," he says. "You need to
be able to connect things. All we need is a telecommunications link to the
outside world. This is the world of the Internet, the world of satellites,
the world of communication."
Moroyan feels that telecommunications could provide the infrastructure
Armenia needs, which may in turn benefit the country as a whole, improving
quality and efficiency in various sectors like schools, real estate, and
government. "The whole government operations are based on technology," says
Moroyan. "Via computers, one agency talking to another, such as customs with
the airport."
High tech can also provide the necessary links to the outside world, which
would benefit all industries. Take tourism, for example. "If somebody comes
to Armenia," Moroyan says, "they want to be able to stay connected with
their office, they want to be able to receive phone calls, to stay
wirelessly connected with their laptops."
ArmenTel's 15-year monopoly on Armenia's telecommunications has come to an
end, which Moroyan says will prove beneficial to the country's future in
high tech. "Now there is competition coming in, and we will have a fantastic
telecommunications infrastructure."
Furthermore, high tech workers in Armenia, says Moroyan, currently earn
the highest salaries in the country. "The growth of a high tech industry in
Armenia would bring more jobs for that sector, of course, and provide
challenging, rewarding work for the country's scientists, who are vital to
the country's future."
Most of these developments, however, remain only promises, as Armenia
still needs to attract attention and investments from the global community
-- which is precisely the goal of ArmTech '07.
"We have to do something like this to bring Armenia to an international
level," says Moroyan. "History has dealt us a hand, history has given us
this opportunity. Either we go in and help build it, or we can stand by, and
Armenia will change without us."
For information on ArmTech '07, or to register for the conference, log
onto www.armtechcongress.com.
************************ ************************************************** *
3. From Washington, in brief
by Emil Sanamyan
* Armenia still on U.S. trafficking "Watch List"
The U.S. Congress passed the "Trafficking Victims Protection Act" in 2001,
mandating that the State Department issue annual reports that rate the
world's efforts to counter human trafficking (primarily for the purposes of
forced labor and prostitution). The most recent report was issued on June
12.
In accordance with the Act, the annual "Trafficking in Persons Report"
puts countries into three "tiers." The Act envisions U.S. aid cuts to
countries repeatedly placed in the Tier 3 category. This year these
countries include those already sanctioned by the U.S. for other reasons
(for example, Iran) or countries too rich to need U.S. assistance (Saudi
Arabia and other Persian Gulf petro-states). This year, too, Georgia was for
the first time included in Tier I as "fully complying" with the Act.
Since the report began being issued, Armenia has been included (along with
most of the world) in Tier 2. Countries in this tier do NOT meet U.S.
standards on fighting trafficking, but "are making significant efforts to do
so." But since 2005, Armenia has been relegated to the report's "Watch
List," just short of Tier 3, which also includes Russia, the Ukraine, and
Moldova -- all major sources of trafficking victims.
In its interim assessment released on January 19, the State Department
encouraged Armenia and 38 countries to take additional measures to address
trafficking issues in order to be removed from the list. In the end,
although the U.S. acknowledged "moderate improvements" in Armenia, it
described the government's prosecution of officials allegedly involved in
trafficking-related corruption as "inadequate."
The June 12 report justified keeping Armenia on the "Watch List" "because
of its failure to show evidence of increasing efforts over the past year,
particularly in the areas of fighting trafficking-related corruption and
providing victim assistance." Connect to www.state.gov for the complete
report.
* Professor uncovers U.S.-based anti-Armenian propagandist
In articles first published last month by the Istanbul Armenian "Agos"
newspaper, one of the world's leading experts on the Armenian Genocide,
University of Minnesota History Professor Taner Akçam, revealed the identity
of one of the Internet's most active Genocide deniers: 50-something
cartoonist Murad Gunem.
Under the pen name "Holdwater," Mr. Gunem has gained notoriety through his
"Tall Armenian Tale" website, where he routinely targets Turkish
intellectuals who acknowledge the Genocide (such as Prof. Akçam), compares
Armenians to rodents, and widely quotes the late disbarred lawyer Sam Weems,
who penned an anti-Armenian hate book in 2002 that has since been
distributed by the Turkish lobby.
Prof. Akcam determined "Holdwater's" identity as Gunem through his
reference to a letter he wrote to then-President Jimmy Carter in 1980 and
subsequent correspondence, which was made available to Prof. Akcam by the
U.S. government archives. Connect to www.muradgumen.org for more on the
story.
* Poll: Turks see U.S. as the biggest threat to their security
When asked to name the source of the most imminent threat to them, more
Turks identify the U.S. than any other country, according to an opinion poll
cited by Turkey's "Zaman" newspaper on June 11.
According to a poll conducted on behalf of the Istanbul-based Bilgi
University, more than 35 percent of respondents said the U.S. is the
greatest threat to Turkey, followed by Iraqi Kurdistan with over 25 percent.
Less than 3 percent thought that Armenia posed a serious threat. That was
fewer than those who named the European Union (5.5 percent), Israel (4.2),
and Iraq (3.4), but more than those who named Iran (1.5).
More than 71 percent said that Turkey has no friends or significant
allies, and a full half of the respondents believe that the European Union
wants to divide Turkey.
When asked about issues that "would not befit their national values," 45
percent Turks polled named atheism, 38 percent said being Christian or
Jewish, 23 percent said homosexuality, 21 percent said communism, 19 percent
said radical Islam, and 8 percent said extreme nationalism.
* Turkish government opposes invasion of Iraqi Kurdistan
"There are 500 terrorists in Iraq; there are 5,000 terrorists inside Turkey.
Has terrorism inside Turkey ended for us, to [allow us to] think about an
operation in northern Iraq?"
Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyib Erdogan asked this question
rhetorically on June 12 in reference to Kurdish rebel forces and in apparent
defiance of the Turkish military's calls for invasion, the "Turkish Daily
News" reported the next day.
Tensions along the border with Iraqi Kurdistan rose as the Turkish
military launched aerial and artillery attacks on Kurdish-held border areas
and threatened a larger invasion strongly opposed by the United States (see
this column in the June 9 "Reporter"). Iraqi Kurdish and Shiite leaders
warned of a full-scale war in the event of invasion.
The Turkish build-up came amid an increased number of Kurdish attacks
inside Turkey and just over a month before general elections, in which the
nationalist military establishment hopes to unseat the relatively more
moderate Erdogan government.
A number of Turkish commentators have linked the Turkish military's show
of force to efforts to discredit the government as weak on security. But
according to the latest polling data, Erdogan's Justice and Development
Party is still close to winning enough votes to form a new government
single-handedly.
Also on June 12, the Kurdistan Workers' Party declared a unilateral
cease-fire with Turkey. "We will not carry out attacks other than for
self-defense," its statement said.
* Experts: Russia's Azerbaijan radar offer doesn't make technical sense
The little-known Russian military base in Azerbaijan was thrust into the
news last week, when President Vladimir Putin offered the U.S. "joint use"
of its early warning radar instead of building new radars in Central Europe
(see this column in the June 9 "Reporter"). President George W. Bush and his
officials found the proposal "interesting" and suggested that experts look
into it.
Since then, at least two military experts questioned the feasibility of
the radar's use by the U.S.
On June 8, Duncan Lennox of the London-based Jane's Strategic Weapons
Systems told Radio Liberty that "the problem is that if you have the radar
too close to the launch point [as the one in Azerbaijan is to neighboring
Iran], the missile will overfly that radar and will then be going away from
the radar." It would thus be unable to guide interceptors to shoot down such
a missile, and would only be useful in providing an additional early warning
of a missile launch.
And in the June 13 issue of the Eurasia Daily Monitor published by the
Washington-based Jamestown Foundation, one of Russia's top military experts
Pavel Felgenhauer noted that the purpose of Russia's radar in Azerbaijan is
to detect U.S. missile launches from the Indian Ocean, NOT those from Iran's
territory. This radar "cannot be moved, it cannot be retargeted," he wrote.
Mr. Felgenhauer also argued that an installation located so close to a
target country is vulnerable to a conventional attack. He suggested that
while Russia's offer to the U.S. is "technically senseless," it may provide
for "a politically attractive way to end the mounting confrontation" over
missile defense.
Mr. Lennox suggests that Russia just wants to be in the loop on the U.S.
plans. He said: "I believe the Russians are saying, 'Look, why don't you
talk to us first before deciding where to put things?' That is the sort of
feeling I get from what is being said."
* Bush wants Kosovo independence "sooner rather than later"
On the first-ever visit by a sitting U.S. President to the Balkan nation of
Albania on June 10, President George W. Bush reiterated America's support
for the independence of the majority ethnic Albanian Kosovo, which broke
away from Serbia with the U.S. and European help in the 1999 war.
News agencies quoted President Bush as saying that "America believes that
Kosovo ought to be independent," and that "the time is now to move the
Ahtisaari plan" -- a proposal prepared by United Nations' envoy Martti
Ahtisaari that would formalize Kosovo's internationally supervised
independence ahead of eventual international recognition. President Bush
reiterated the call during his visit to Bulgaria the next day.
Serbia and Russia, the latter with veto power on the UN Security Council,
oppose Kosovo's independence. Although, President Bush said that Kosovo
should become independent "sooner rather than later," it appears that
Russia's objections are likely to postpone any UN action for now.
On June 11, State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said that while the
U.S. wants to "move forward" on the issue as soon as possible, no dates have
been set, and political consultations were underway. Western commentators
suggest that unless Russia lifts the veto threat, Kosovo may be encouraged
to declare unilateral independence with subsequent Western recognition.
************************************ ***************************************
4. Poll: Armenians, others on their life, finances, and economy
Asked about their personal or family finances, Armenians are generally
content and optimistic, according to a recent poll of 1,023 conducted on
behalf of the All-Russian Center for the Study of Public Opinion. Half (49
percent) say they are generally satisfied with their lives; 19 percent
describe their family's financial situation as "good," and 55 percent as
"average"; 47 percent expect their financial situation to improve, while 39
percent expect it to stay the same.
At the same time only seven percent are happy with Armenia's overall
economic situation, with 41 percent calling it "average," and 52 percent
"bad."
There is a different trend in Azerbaijan (where 1,203 were polled). 41
percent say their country is in good economic shape, 36 percent say it's
average, and 14 percent, "bad." But when it comes to their own or their
family lives, only 41 percent are generally satisfied; 20 percent say are in
a good financial situation, and 33 percent describe it as average. Here, 36
percent expect improvement, and 32 percent, no change.
Of the seven post-Soviet states polled, most satisfied with their lives
were respondents in Kazakhstan (73 percent), Kyrgyzstan, and Belarus (65
percent each). Least satisfied in Ukraine (35 percent). Russia found itself
in the middle (51 percent).
- E.S.
******************************************** *******************************
5. Interview: Washington's Dean Shahinian straddles Congress, Armenian
community service (part 2)
On May 25 the "Armenian Reporter"'s Washington editor Emil Sanamyan
interviewed Dean Shahinian, a senior staff member in the U.S. Senate and
Washington Armenian community activist. This is the second part of that
interview. See last week's edition for the first part.
Reporter: You have been active with the Armenian Church. Are you on the
parish council?
Shahinian: No, but I am a Diocesan delegate, which means I represent my
home parish, Washington's St. Mary's, the Church where I was baptized, at
the Diocesan Assembly. I have also been elected by the Diocesan Assembly to
serve on the Diocesan Council -- the board of directors -- of the Eastern
Diocese of the Armenian Church in the U.S.
I have also been elected by the Diocesan Assembly to represent the Diocese
as a member of the National Ecclesiastical Assembly -- that's the body that
elects the Catholicos of All Armenians.
So I was a patgamavor or delegate in the 1995 and 1999 elections.
Reporter: What highlights do you recall from those elections?
Shahinian: In 1995, our pastor at St. Mary's, Rev. Vertanes Kalayjian,
shortly before the delegates were to leave for Armenia, gave a sermon where
he said that here we are having a first National Ecclesiastical Assembly in
forty years and we have no agenda.
Reporter: First in forty years because of passing of Catholicos Vazgen I?
So the assemblies take place only when there is a need to elect a new
Catholicos?
Shahinian: This is what has evolved. Well, I took Rev. Kalayjian's words
to heart. While the Diocese did not have an agenda, for me to go half way
around the world, spend money to do it and take off from work, I should have
some reason other than just to cast a ballot for a Catholicos -- even though
that is important.
So, I reflected on the potential of the Armenian Church and thought about
what might make the Church better that could be addressed at this National
Ecclesiastical Assembly. I read that this is the highest body in the
Armenian Church, if they vote for something -- that is it. In fact, they
select the Catholicos.
I came with a four-part proposal which I offered in 1995 and again in
1999.
The first part was to allow married priests to be elected Primates [of
Dioceses], because that would give us a larger pool of talent from which to
select. If a married priest is chosen Primate, he may be more concerned with
making the Diocese a better place for his kids. If you have a married priest
with a wife who is caring for him, he might be better able to understand and
help his clergy and laymen. And while an unmarried priest may be able to
devote more time to his job, I don't think there is anything that
presumptively makes an unmarried priest a better Primate than a married
priest.
Second, for married priests to be able to become consecrated bishops --
this going back to ancient Armenian Practice and ancient Christian Practice.
The great Patriarch Malachia Ormanian called for this a century ago.
Third, allow unmarried men to be ordained as priests without taking the
vow of celibacy. And I think this is important, because to take a vow and
say that "I am not going to get married" is presuming to know God's will for
the future. It may be that it is God's will that a priest already ordained
should get married, and we are precluding that. Marriage is a sacrament, why
would we require someone vow not to take a sacrament in the church?
Finally, resume the practice of ordaining women as deaconesses.
Reporter: When was this last practice ended?
Shahinian: I understand there are still some women deaconessess [in the
Armenian Church] in Turkey. And the doors to the Holy Etchmiadzin are
dedicated to a deaconess.
Now in 1995 I presented this four-part proposal together with Rev. Dajad
Davidian, who used to be the pastor in Watertown, Mass. and now serves in
Armenia. It was presented to the Assembly after the election of the
Catholicos. His Holiness Karekin I said: Oh that's a very important
proposal -- too important to be discussed here; I am going to have another
National Ecclesiastical Assembly in two years and we will discuss it and
other issues then.
As it turns out, he did not call another Assembly and unfortunately passed
away.
In 1999, I prepared the same proposal again and made 450 copies with
background information translated into eastern Armenian, Russian, and
English. My sense was that the overwhelming number of delegates could read
at least one of those languages. The proposal was introduced and referred to
something called the Proposals Committee, which I was informed was not
actually in the [Church] charter at the time.
Reporter: Were there other proposals or was yours the only one?
Shahinian: Well, there may have been others, I do not recall. Archbishop
Zaven Chinchinian told me it was given to the Proposals Committee chaired by
the Patriarch [of Jerusalem] Torgom Manougian for potential discussion after
the election at the Assembly. However, the election of the Catholicos
coincided with the shootings in Parliament [on October 27, 1999], and when
this occurred, the Assembly was stopped.
So, this proposal is still with the Proposals Committee.
Reporter: Was there any support for your proposals from other delegates?
Shahinian: There were several American and Canadian delegates who were
supportive. Many Russian delegates said they were supportive, some said:
some unmarried priests and bishops have wives and kids anyway, why not
institutionalize it?
There would have been support.
Reporter: So, are you still technically a delegate to the Assembly, is
there a term of some kind?
Shahinian: The term, to my knowledge, is just for one Assembly. In the U.S.,
there were special meetings of the Diocesan Assembly to elect the delegates
for each NEA -- one representative for each 25,000 baptized Armenians living
in the geographic jurisdiction of a diocese, based on a number stated by
each diocese.
Reporter: And is that typically a competitive process?
Shahinian: In this diocese, there were three to four times the number of
people who ran for the office than were elected. So it was competitive.
Reporter: How does it work with the process of the elections of the
Catholicos?
Shahinian: Anyone can be elected Catholicos. But the Committee that
organizes the election allowed each current bishop to be a nominee unless he
asked that his name be taken off the ballot.
In 1995, after that process, there were eight clergymen whose names were
left on the ballot. The next day, the delegates met inside the Cathedral of
Holy Etchmiadzin to vote. The protocol was to call each delegate by name.
He or she would sign a book, take a ballot, walk to a table in front of the
altar and cross out the names of all the nominees except the one he wanted
to vote for, and dropped the ballot into a tall wooden box.
After everyone voted, the box was emptied and each vote was announced and
the votes counted in plain view of the delegates.
In 1995, on the first ballot, Garegin Catholicos was first, Garegin
Arkepiskopos second, and Barkev Episkopos -- third and no one had the
majority. The Assembly voted to leave the top three nominees for the second
ballot. So, we went through the same process of voting and Garegin
Catholicos had more votes, but still did not have a majority.
So at that, Garegin Arkepiskopos said: "I give my votes to Garegin
Catholicos," which puzzled many delegates. But before most people could
figure out what happened, the bells were ringing to announce to those
outside the cathedral that a new Catholicos had been elected.
In 1999, only two clergymen allowed their names to be placed on the ballot
and the delegates elected His Holiness Karekin II.
Reporter: This sounds like a generally straightforward, democratic
process. But how does the lobbying of delegates go before the vote?
Shahinian: Each time it was different. In 1995, there were policemen all
over Holy Etchmiadzin, in their uniforms, controlling where people could go.
One policeman came up to me, asking "Oh, who are you going to vote for?" I
told him, "I don't tell anyone." I thought "He is trying to intimidate me?"
In 1999, I recall that some Primates had meetings with their delegates and
made comments about things to consider in voting. At both Assemblies, some
clergy and lay delegates lobbied others.
* * *
Reporter: In general, what is your sense of where the Armenian Church is
today? What are its major issues?
Shahinian: I'll speak about the issues in U.S., because that is what I
know about. The major issue is whether the Church will be a social club for
first generation Armenian Americans, or will it aspire to be a church that
reaches the third generation and beyond. Right now, it is positioned
primarily for the first generation.
If one looks at the statistics, you see for example that in the last 10 to
15 years the number of dues-paying members in the Eastern Diocese has gone
down, and that is in a period when immigration has brought tens of
thousands, if not more, of Armenians into the geographic area of the
diocese. Sociologists -- and those who attend -- have found that the third
generation is virtually gone from our parishes.
That speaks of an institution that meets the needs of a very limited
number of Armenian-Americans. Church leaders' notion that Armenians are
there to serve the church may play well at the seminaries but that is not an
operative concept for most Americans. A church needs to serve the needs of
individuals.
The Diocese a few years ago adopted a statement of intent that it is
significant in the life of every Armenian living in its geographic
jurisdiction. But many people do not take this statement seriously, because
the church has generally not been effective in achieving this goal. Some
have noted that less than two percent of Armenians living in the diocese
area are parish members.
We have some outstanding clergy, who have made important contributions in
many people's lives. But too few. We have many laymen who are talented and
of outstanding character, who donate tremendous amounts of time and
resources to heroically serve through the church. They need to be given
more authority and visibility.
But when the church leadership does not articulate a true vision or
demonstrate an ability to meet people's needs, people leave. They may go to
other churches, embrace false religions or become atheists or agnostics.
We have some fine seminarians here and new priests. However, a concern is
the diocese's inability to attract more clergy from among us. Some
impediments need to be removed.
I think that these are among the primary challenges facing the church in
the U.S.
Pastoral work is a key part of a growing church. Armenian-Americans live
in a society that presents a lot of stress and problems, and it would be
good for our leaders to provide or delegate to laymen to effectively counsel
and encourage.
America is a Western country, a verbal country. People who profess
Christianity here are challenged to justify their beliefs, to explain how
Christianity impacts on their work, on their family life. To be meaningful
our clergy and lay leaders have to provide thoughtful answers how to relate
Christ to everyday life. There are too many people in too many parishes
saying this is not happening.
Another issue involves inspiring trust and confidence in the Church
leadership. Over the years, there have been too many instances, for
example, of the Diocesan Assembly voting to take an action which the Diocese
leadership does not implement, or voting against an action which the Diocese
leadership takes anyway.
Information provided to delegates about significant issues has at times
been inaccurately communicated or has omitted important facts necessary to
correctly understand the issue. Too many talented and successful laymen
have left the Church in frustration because their good ideas or constructive
criticisms were ignored or not seriously considered by leadership. Changing
these types of behaviors would engage more people and improve the vitality
of the church.
Reporter: Are these cross-denominational issues in U.S. or are the
challenges you describe peculiar to the Armenian Church as a more
conservative institution?
Shahinian: In every area there are churches that are dying, and there are
churches that are growing. It is not the case that all Christian churches
are losing people or are deemed irrelevant. Having said that, if the
Armenian Church leadership cared more about its people in ways that meet
their needs, we would have a lot of people coming in -- it is not like the
market is saturated.
And there are enough churches that are doing this, so many Armenians leave
and go to those.
Reporter: The fastest growing churches are the new protestant churches,
what do you think attracts people there?
Shahinian: Part of the attraction is sermons that reflect an
understanding of current the American culture and specifically suggest ways
to faithfully address life's challenges as a Christian.
The sermons are well-prepared and easy to understand. They are not overly
sentimentalized. People learn things that they can use in their everyday
lives.
Another attraction is their contemporary music. Their songs often are easy
to sing and remember, and teach the faith.
In the Armenian Church we have a beautiful service, but some people have
mistaken the form and language for substance of the faith for. Seems to me
if you want people in your parish to learn about God or worship Him, you
want to do it in a way they can understand. And why not at least have a
service in modern Armenian so that some people can understand, instead of
classical Armenian, which virtually no layman understands.
Reporter: Do you think there is a general fear of change? Perhaps related
to fears of a schism?
Shahinian: Well, I am not advocating any change in theology, which you
have, for example, with Episcopalians. Our theology is great.
What I would like to see happen is to improve the clarity and
effectiveness of how our theology and faith are communicated.
And we are fortunate to have a church theology that has remained faithful
to God. We have many qualities, like hospitality and informality, and a
rich cultural heritage of Christian faith, on which we can build. And we
have the good will of many wonderful parishioners who are working hard to
provide vision and leadership in order for the community to be faithful to
God and helpful to each other. With God, we have great potential.
* * *
DEAN V. SHAHINIAN
* Awards from Armenian Organizations
St. Nersess Shnorhali Medal with a Pontifical Encyclical by His Holiness
Catholicos Karekin II (2002)
Rev. Haroutune Dagley Award "to a layperson who has supported the youth of
the church" by the Armenian Church Youth Organization of America, 2004.
St. Mary Armenian Church "Pastor's Appreciation Award" (1994)
St. Mary "ACYOA Distinguished Alumnus Award" (1997)
Armenian Students Association Haig G. Sarafian Award for Outstanding
Citizenship (1983)
* Service to Armenian Church
Delegate, National Ecclesiastical Assembly in Armenia to elect Catholicos --
1995 and 1999.
Arranged for His Holiness Karekin II to open the United States Senate in
prayer, 2001.
Served on Diocesan Council and member of Diocesan Council Executive
Committee.
Served on Diocesan Audit Committee.
Member, Diocesan Assembly. Several years. [Introduced proposals which
the Assembly adopted to disclose the purposes of Restricted Funds in the
donor's words and report disbursements made from Restricted Funds, require
two signatures for large disbursements of Restricted Funds, reinstate two
positions in Youth Ministry and Religious Education, fund an ACYOA Executive
Director, and to provide time to hear from representatives of the ACYOA,
Women's Guild Central Committee, and Choir Association, among others]
Created and chaired panels and vignettes on church management "Youth
Involvement in the Parish" at Diocesan Assemblies
Chaired Symposium "What Will Be the Future of the Armenian Church in
America?" sponsored by The Ararat Foundation on September 28, 1996 at the
University of Pennsylvania.
Taught in Diocesan Department of Religious Education Mardigian Institute.
Created and chaired "Insights" seminars presented by clergy and laypeople
on contemporary topics presented during ACYOA Sports Weekend. Addressed
ACYOA General Assemblies. Several years.
Gave talks on Church mission, Christian faith, and Armenian culture at the
invitation of many Armenian Church parishes.
Diocesan Delegate representing St. Mary Armenian Church to the Diocesan
Assemblies and at Diocesan events.
Presented spiritual messages on Palm Sundays and other occasions to the
congregation.
Taught adult discussion groups on Christian faith and taught Sunday School
classes for teenagers.
Chair of "Armenian Life" monthly cultural lecture series for ten years.
Emceed numerous banquets and events.
Board of Trustees, St. Nersess Armenian Seminary.
Lectured at St. Nersess Armenian Seminary symposium and Summer Studies
Programs.
* Community Christian Activities
National Prayer Breakfasts, Washington -- Team Leader of Ushers
Past Board Member, Christian Conciliation Service of Washington DC.
* Other Armenian Community Activity
Presented attorneys who are members of the Armenian Bar Association to the
United States Supreme Court for admission to the Supreme Court Bar on three
occasions.
Chair, Haig Sarafian Award Committee, Armenian Students Association --
1995-2000.
Founding Member, Alexandria-Gyumri Sister City Committee, 1990-present.
*********************************** ****************************************
6. Two centuries after his death, Sayat Nova, the "King of Songs," still
holds court in Tbilisi
by Talin Suciyan
TBILISI, Georgia -- It only took five minutes for us to decide to travel to
Tbilisi. A friend of ours had mentioned that on the last Sunday in May the
city was planning to hold a commemorative celebration of Sayat Nova. Tblisi
was the hometown of the great Armenian troubadour, and a group of artists
would be going there to honor Sayat Nova and take part in the scheduled
concerts.
My friend Meri and I quickly changed our weekend plans and got in touch
with the Armenian State Conservatory artists who were traveling to Tbilisi.
They kindly let us tag along with them in their minibus.
The trip from Yerevan to Tbilisi is a six-hour journey by car. Of course,
if you're passing through national borders, you'd better expect the
unexpected. And so it was with us: To pass through the Armenian border took
us an entire hour -- only to leave us facing another two and a-half hours of
waiting on the Georgian side. The reason was simple, but insurmountable: a
power failure.
It was already evening when we reached Tbilisi. I had often heard that
Tbilisi was a lovely city, but to be honest I had not imagined such beauty.
Monasteries decorate the surrounding hills. Large wooden houses perch atop
the hills overlooking the Mktvari River which passes through the city.
European-style architecture makes you forget what part of the world you're
in.
The local Armenian community was on hand to welcome us when we arrived in
the city. We were in the Havlabar quarter, where Sayat Nova's mother came
from, and where he himself resided. Havlabar has been home to many Armenians
in the past, and it continues to do so to this day. The Armenian State
Theater is also resident in this quarter: a theater financed by the Georgian
government and in existence for more than 150 years now. Every season a
group of 40 Armenian artists stages five different plays.
* The puppeteer
As a surprise on our first night, our group was treated to a show that left
quite an impression on us, at Gari Davtyan's puppet theater.
Seeing it was a rare opportunity. Starting in the 1970s and continuing up
to his death in 2002, Davtyan had devoted himself to making puppets. He made
puppets without number, which his wife and children would bring to life. The
puppet theater was born in 1993, and the performances are free, conducted in
the old Tbilisi house in Havlabar where the family still lives.
Davtyan himself was a sculptor and engineer. His wife Janna is expert in
the complicated mechanisms and strings of his puppets. But her skill still
leaves one wondering how all those moving elements can work in concert
without becoming entangled. Indeed at one point, while Janna was showing us
Davtyan's very first puppet -- named Grisha -- something happened to its
string mechanism, and Janna's expression transformed into a look of
astonished dread. Watching Janna working to set the puppet back to normal,
I
couldn't help thinking about the slender threads that bind any of us to
life.
In the days when Davtyan used to ply his craft in his workshop, in the
same quarter bullets were practically flying over the heads of him and his
family. The incidents of April 9, 1989, which caused 20 deaths and hundreds
of injuries; the events of 1915; and the transformation that Davtyan's home
country underwent, have all left their impact on his work.
Watching the Davtyan family's puppet theater, Meri and I both found
ourselves reflecting on Parajanov. Sergei Parajanov had also lived in
Tbilisi, and was a near contemporary of Davtyan. The courageous filmmaker
seized a post-modern strand of art and faced censure time after time for his
trouble. Renowned for his films and collage works, Parajanov became one of
the most prominent Armenian artists of Tbilisi, whose most famous work, "The
Color of Pomegranates" (1968), is his impressionistic account of Sayat
Nova's life and work.
* Touring Tbilisi
The puppet show made us forget our fatigue. The next day, Sunday, we toured
the city before going to the celebration.
Tbilisi was one of the two great centers of Armenian intellectual life in
the 19th century. In the west there was Istanbul, but in the east it was
Tbilisi -- with its great density of Armenian citizens. Hovhannes Toumanian,
Gabriel Sundukian, Raffi -- Tbilisi played host to them all, and to numerous
other Armenian writers and artists. The three mentioned above lie buried in
Tbilisi's "Pantheon" -- a graveyard in the quarter called Khochevank. It was
once a major Armenian cemetery, but the land was nationalized during the
Soviet period, and 10 years ago it was seized to build a new Georgian
cathedral. A small parcel of the land was given over to the Armenians, and
that remnant constitutes the Pantheon today.
But let's leave the subjects of the Georgian-Armenian community and
Georgia's attitude towards its minorities for another occasion.
On our way to the Sayat Nova festival, we pass through the city's Yerevan
Square en route to the nearby Armenian Church, Sourp Krikor Lousavorich. In
the past, the festival took place in the city center, with hundreds of
thousands of people. But in recent years, the celebration has been squeezed
into the garden of the church.
The occasion itself was first appointed by Hovhannes Toumanyan in 1914 to
honor the greatest gusan of the 18th century -- born Harutyun Sayatyan, in
1712. Around 220 songs can be confidently attributed to him, but his total
output probably ranged in the thousands. Such is their lyric beauty that
they are still sung, and loved, to this day; and his artistic name, Sayat
Nova, or "King of Songs," testifies to his place in the regional culture. He
died in Haghpat, in 1795 -- killed by the army of Agha Mohammed Khan.
Sayat Nova produced many poems and folk songs in Turkish and Georgian, as
well as Armenian. He has been the subject of much academic work and numerous
books. Henrik Bakhchinyan, who has studied Sayat Nova's work and is the head
of State Museum of Art and Literature in Yerevan, says that Sayat Nova wrote
70 pieces in Armenian, around 30 in Georgian and more than 100 in Turkish.
According to Bakhchinyan, the Turkish pieces are more numerous because the
bardic tradition was very developed in that language.
Even so, Sayat Nova's acknowledged masterpieces are in Armenian.
Since Sayat Nova wrote poems in Georgian too, he is well known among the
Georgians. A good contingent of them is present at the Tbilisi celebration.
The weather is hot, the sun is burning, and my friend and I are trying to
find the relief of a shady spot. But the crowd gathered in the church garden
endures hours of standing under the sun, enjoying the songs of Sayat Nova,
and dancing to his tunes more than two centuries after his death.
Listening to the songs of Sayat Nova in that setting, I come to realize
how important it is to have a choir bearing his name in existence in my
native Istanbul. Just to be associated with this name carries a legacy which
reaches back through the generations -- and holds the promise of acquainting
further generations with Sayat Nova's miraculous life's work.
With the festival concluded, our group of artists starts their journey
back to Yerevan; but Meri and I stay in Tbilisi for two days more. Rambling
about the city on our own, we feel Sayat Nova close at hand, as if his
spirit refuses to leave us alone. In an abstracted moment, Meri starts
singing "Kamancha." Without even being conscious of it, I find myself
answering, "...chga kjezi nman..."
*********************************** ****************************************
7. "Vision + Visitors =3D Success": A seminar provides Armenia's museums with
self-improvement tools
* Planting seeds for visitor satisfaction in museums
by Betty Panossian-Ter Sargssian
YEREVAN -- Think of visitors first, and of their experiences in museums,
without compromising your aesthetic values. That is the message around 35
participants in the seminar titled, "Vision + Visitors =3D Success," took back
with them to their museums.
It was a four-day seminar held here May 29 through June 1, organized by
the Cafesjian Museum Foundation, in partnership with the Fund for Arts and
Culture. Participants coming from various museums and cultural organizations
were guided through various case studies and interactive exercises. They
acquired skills in developing visitor-driven programs and insight into how
to meet visitor expectations, in particular within the sphere of cultural
tourism. All these were linked to success in obtaining additional financial
support for the museums and their programs.
The seminar, conducted in English with Armenian interpretation, was led by
Sally Yerkovich, president of the Fund for Arts and Culture in Central and
Eastern Europe, and Lyndel King, director and chief curator at the Weisman
Art Museum of the University of Minnesota.
"This was an interesting seminar because Lyndel King, who had come to
Armenia a few years ago in order to study the Cafesjian Museum project,
visited museums in Armenia. We joined her in her visits and noticed that
although the Armenian museums showcased many valuable arts and culture
objects, they encountered many problems related to visitor service," says
Madlene Minassian, the PR and events director at the Cafesjian Museum
Foundation.
The idea of organizing such a seminar came up during those visits. "It
occurred to us that some of these problems will be readily solved if only we
organized a seminar for the museums in Armenia on the topic of visitor
relations," Ms. Minassian adds.
"Vision + visitors =3D Success" focused on things, mostly little things,
that make museums more appealing to visitors and attract them to their
collections. It also raised the issue of fundraising because, as the
professionals in the field say and visitors can notice at first glance, some
of the major problems Armenia's museums face are related to finances and
extra funds for museum programs.
This was the first such seminar held in Armenia, and also the first such
experience for most of the participants. "Many have been working for years
in Armenian museums, and we thought that bringing the museum professionals
together will allow them to exchange notes," Ms. Minassian says.
While inviting the participants, the organizers asked the museums to send
their most dynamic and promising personnel, "those who are in direct contact
with visitors."
Through interactive work, the museum professionals became familiar with
the best practices from museums around the world. Participants also received
guidance about effective ways and tactics to reevaluate the mission of the
museum and to make sure the programs and the exhibitions reflect it. The
focus was on making museums in Armenia look successful, well organized, be
visitor-centered.
"I think Armenian museums have great potential," Ms. King says. She adds
that the notion of visitor-centered museums is a relatively new idea in
American and European museums, which have been changing over the past ten
years. Museums traditionally have thought of their collections and not much
about the experience of the visitor, she said.
"There is no one solution that is going to help every museum, so what we
do is help share the different ways that people have solved the same
problem," Ms. Yerkovich says.
Equipped with a problem-solving toolkit presented by this seminar, the
museum professionals in Armenia are encouraged to make their own decisions
about their museums. "What we propose may not be exactly right, but we hope
it might stimulate people to think about ways to solve the problems that
they see," Ms. King said.
The seminar was conducted in a very interactive way. During the sessions
the participants engaged in dialogues, made comments, expressed what they
thought of what was being presented, asked questions, and raised issues that
bothered them most. The sessions were dotted with many interactive
exercises, where the participants were asked to work on imaginary museums,
to pinpoint problems, and propose appropriate solutions. "We designed our
seminar not just to present our information, but to get the people in the
seminar working together," Ms. Yerkovich said.
* On a tight budget
What can museums in Armenia do with their limited means to improve their
services?
"They have to justify their priorities and use their resources in the most
effective way they can. Our institutions don't have a lot of money, either,
but we have decided that we want our institutions to be more friendly and
acceptable to the visitor. And we all worked on ways of doing that without
having much money," Ms. Yerkovich notes.
The seminar emphasized things that can make the experience of the visitors
more pleasant. These are not expensive items; they are simple things based
on the idea of thinking about the visitor's experience. Simple, inexpensive
things make a lot of difference.
The presenters argued also that an attractive, visitor-friendly museum may
have an easier time raising funds. "Bringing visitors back to your museum is
very important to raise money, because donors like to support those museums
that people like," Ms. King argued.
More than explaining or dictating ways to make museums in Armenia a better
place, "Vision + Visitors =3D Success" sought to make an impact on the mindset
of what a museum should be in Armenia: a place for cultural entertainment
and expedition, rather than shelves of valuable objects.
"It was very interesting to share the experience of the guest speakers and
induce it in the Armenian reality," says Davit Poghossian of the Service for
the Protection of Historical Environment and Cultural Museum Reservations.
"I think that the structural differences between the American and the
Armenian museums are obvious. For such projects one should definitely take
into consideration the legislative and other conditions in Armenia. Anyhow,
the practice represented was interesting in more that one sense."
Anahit Minassian, the PR director of the National Gallery of Armenia, also
considered the seminar very helpful. "Through it we got acquainted with the
practice of museums in Western countries and will be inspired in finding our
own solutions based on what we were given during the seminar," she said.
It was said during the seminar that people working in museums are usually
very creative people. Even with limited means they may be able to cultivate
the seeds for change planted during the seminar, and we may witness some
positive changes in Armenia's museums in the not-too-distant future.
***************************************** **********************************
8. Armen Gevorgian appointed NSC secretary
President Robert Kocharian has appointed his trusted aide Armen Gevorgian
secretary of the National Security Council. The vacancy was created when the
incumbent, Serge Sargsian, became prime minister. (Sargsian was also
minister of defense.)
Mr. Gevorgian joined the staff of then-Prime Minister Kocharian in 1997.
He was Mr. Kocharian's First Assistant until last spring, when he was
appointed the president's chief of staff.
- A.H.
******************************************** *******************************
9. Commentary: What will happen when Armenia meets Azerbaijan in the field
of . . . soccer?
* A reminiscence of Edward K. Boghosian
by Edward Shnorhokian
This article is dedicated to the memory of Mr. Edward Boghosian, the late
founder and editor of the "Armenian Reporter." I met him in September 1997,
when the "Armenian Reporter" organized a trip to Armenia, which included a
one-day sightseeing tour of Moscow.
Although it was my third trip to our homeland, there was a different
feeling for me, because it was the first time I would be visiting an
independent Armenia.
My actual first trips was in July 1973, to attend a soccer match between
"Ararat Yerevan" and their foe "Dynamo Tbilisi" of Georgia, in a USSR
championship match, in which our heroes won a crushing victory by the score
of 3 to 0.
My second trip was in October 1973, when "Ararat" reached the finals of
the "USSR Cup," facing its arch-rival "Dynamo Kiev" of the Ukraine in
Moscow's stadium. After a fierce battle, our heroes claimed the cup by
defeating their rivals by the score 2 to 1. In overtime, our hero Levon
Ishtoyan scored the two goals for his team.
In 1997, having boarded a Russian "Aeroflot" plane with about 30 people in
our group at New York's J.F.K. airport, we landed after a nearly nine-hour
flight at Moscow's International airport at about 9 a.m. local time. After
40 minutes of checking our luggage through customs, a bus was waiting for us
to take us sightseeing in Moscow's historic locations.
At 6:00 p.m., the bus took us to an airport for domestic flights, where we
saw Armenia's national airline "Armavia" waiting to fly us to our homeland.
What a joy it was to fly with the tricolor red, blue, and orange on our
plane.
After a three-hour flight the announcer said we would soon be landing, and
you could see the excitement on the faces of our group, specially those who
were flying to their homeland for the first time. After landing at Zvartnotz
International Airport and spending another 40 minutes checking luggage, a
bus waiting outside took us to the Armenia Hotel, one of the best hotels in
Yerevan. We spent 12 wonderful days in the country, visiting the historic
sites like Dzidzernagapert, Khor Virab, Etchmiadzin, Lake Sevan, Garni, and
Keghart. We even watched from our balconies the celebration of the
anniversary of Armenia's independence, featuring the army, local
celebrities, and all kinds of festivities.
We returned with many tender memories, though we only had opportunity for
the shortest conversations with the natives.
In any case, those were the circumstances under which I met Mr. Boghosian.
Several years later, in April 2001, I went to Times Square to attend the
commemoration of the Armenian Genocide. I arrived a little earlier than the
scheduled 2:00 start in order to find a seat, and when I noticed Mr.
Boghosian sitting in the second row, I went to sit nearby. After discussing
several topics about Armenia, I asked him, "How come there's no sports news
reported in your paper?"
He told me, "Mr. Shnorhokian, if anybody would send us any sports news, we
would gladly publish it, as long as only Armenian athletes were involved."
I never took him up on the offer; but lately, thinking about his passing
a
year ago, and with a pressing sports story on my mind, I thought I would
offer the following as a tribute to the man, and what this paper has meant
to me and so many other Armenians.
***
The European qualifying matches in soccer started on August 6, 2006 and will
end in November 2007. This event takes place every four years, like the
World Cup.
In this tournament, 50 European teams, including three teams from
countries in the Caucasus -- Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia -- are
participating in a round-robin format games.
These countries are divided into seven groups, and the seven group-winners
and seven runners-up will join the two host teams (this year Austria and
Switzerland) in the final tournament in June 2008.
Armenia is in group "A," which includes Azerbajian, Belgium, Finland,
Kazakstan, Portugal, Poland, and Serbia. In such a field of competition,
neither Armenia nor Azerbaijan would be thought to have much of a chance to
qualify for the finals -- although Armenia's stunning upset of Poland last
week showed that predictions are not always accurate.
My concern, however, is this: What's going to happen if these two teams
meet in Baku on September 8, 2007? I am afraid that the Azerbaijani players,
the mobs, and even the police, will stoop to perform every irregularity --
kicking, pushing, punching, inflicting physical injuries on their opponents,
even threatening the referees -- to take revenge of their loss in the
Karabakh war. I am also afraid that very few Armenian supporters would make
trip to Baku.
I'm sure that the Armenian soccer federation will make a formal request to
the governing body of FIFA -- the 100-year-old Fédération Internationale de
Football Association, in Switzerland -- FIFA's governing body to ensure the
safety of its delegation.
Let's not forget the behavior of Azerbaijan's "cousin" Turkey in 2005,
when it failed to qualify for the finals of the 2006 World Cup, losing to
Switzerland in a play-off match. In the first leg of competition played in
Switzerland, the home team won 2-0; in the return match in Turkey, the
Turkish team won by the score of 4-2; but in accordance with the tournament
rules, Switzerland won the right to advance to the next round (the total
goals scored in both games were added up, making it a 4-4 tie; but
Switzerland's goals were given added weight because they were scored in an
away game).
A reporter for "World Cup Soccer" magazine witnessed what happened to the
Swiss players as they left the field in Turkey after the match: not only
were they attacked by the Turkish players, but the mob of spectators and
even Turkey's assistant coach joined the free-for-all. One Swiss player was
hospitalized with serious injuries. Turkish police were criticized for
ignoring what was going on. Earlier, when the Swiss team had first arrived
in Turkey, they were delayed for hours in the airport and had to endure
threats from another mob, though this time the police prevented any physical
injuries from being meted out.
In a FIFA decision over the post-game violence, it was ruled that
Turkey's next six international home-field matches on Turkey's would have
to be played on "neutral" territory outside of Turkey -- at least 500
kilometer away from the Turkish border -- a punishment clearly directed at
the team and its fans alike, and perhaps also at the society which would
tolerate such things.
(By contrast, one player and a medic for the Swiss team received
multi-game bans and had to pay fines.)
As it stands now, Armenia and Azerbaijan are slated to meet on
Azerbaijan's home field on September 8, and then in Armenia four days later.
The thing is that the Azeris have so far refused to host the Armenian team
in Baku. This is part of their policy not to allow any ethnic Armenians into
the country. They also don't want their team to go to Yerevan, and insist
that both matches be played in a third country.
The Armenian side, however, says that it is ready both to host the Azeris
and to go to Baku. Negotiations through UEFA (Union of European Football
Associations) are underway to determine where the games would be played, and
should be concluded within weeks. Even if a decision is made to play in
Azerbaijan, most likely the game will be without spectators and under tight
security.
Even so, if the match does go forward as planned, let's just hope that
there's no repetition of history -- soccer or otherwise -- on game day in
Baku.
* * *
Mr. Shnorhokian lives in New York.
******************************************* ********************************
10. Commentary: "Secular" does not mean "democratic"
by Moorad Mooradian
Numerous major newspapers in the U.S., particularly those that want to keep
their reporters parked in Ankara, constantly employ the descriptive term
"secular" -- meaning non-religious -- in their introductions to the
government of Turkey. At least since September 11, 2001, what "secular" has
come to mean is a government that is acceptable to the U.S., in that it is
not led by radical Islamists of the al Qaeda, bin Laden variety.
Unfortunately, some folks assume that "secular" also means "democratic."
But a look at the happenings in Turkey shows that the word "secular" as
practiced in that land, and democracy as understood and valued in the West,
are worlds apart.
For instance, recently the head of Turkey's highest court declared that he
would ask the country's leading prosecutor to file criminal charges against
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. And what had the Islamist head of state
Erdogan done? He had dared to criticize Turkey's Constitutional Court.
Erdogan had said that it was a disgrace to the system of justice in Turkey
that the Constitutional Court had canceled a presidential vote earlier in
May.
The entire world now knows that it is a crime in "democratic" Turkey to
insult or criticize state institutions. It is very difficult to isolate
exactly what type of criticism is considered an insult -- but that is
precisely how the powers that be want the laws to be. A vague definition
allows those powers to maintain great leeway in interpreting laws as they
see fit.
And if the courts, prosecutors, or other officials do not take action,
Turkish nationalists will. The world witnessed such action in the murder of
Hrant Dink, who did not insult Turkey or denigrate "Turkishness," whatever
that is.
In fact, the Turkish military moved some tanks around in the streets when
Erdogan hinted that he would run for president. After the tanks made an
impact by rumbling through the city, Erdogan backed down and Abdullah Gul,
Erdogan's surrogate Foreign Minister, stepped into the breach. This indeed
was democracy in action: an example that the U.S. wants other countries in
the region to emulate.
Then of course, there is the matter of the Kurds in northern and central
Iraq. I have been writing for months that Turkey has its sights on northern
and central Iraq. It is using the supposed plight of Turkmen (Turkey's
"cousins" -- like the Azeris) in the region and the control of the area by
Kurds as an excuse to move in with its military. But the real reason, in my
judgment, is that the cities of Mosul and Kirkuk have oceans of oil beneath
their surfaces. Keep in mind that this area used to be an integral part of
the Ottoman Empire, and Ankara would like nothing better than to again
control the region and reap the benefits of the cash that would roll in from
the sale of oil. The control of oil would make Turkey even more inviting to
the European Union. So, as is typical of Turkey, it has amassed tanks and
troops on its border with Iraq.
Make no mistake about it: the Turkish government does have a serious
problem with dissatisfied ethnic Kurds, some of whom may be the terrorist
PKK. But it is asinine to attribute every explosion in Turkey to terrorist
activity by the PKK. Turkey's military destroyed thousands of Kurdish
villages in Anatolia simply because they were Kurdish, though there may have
been PKK members among them.
Tom Casey, a State Department spokesman, recently declared that the U.S.
wants to "continue working with Turkey to confront the challenges that are
posed by PKK terrorism." But by kow-towing to Turkey and agreeing that the
Kurds in Iraq are PKK, the U.S. State Department would undermine its own
cause of keeping Turkey out of Iraq.
That is, assuming that the U.S. government wants to keep Turkey out, and
is not using Iraq as a "bargaining chip" to keep Turkey "friendly."
Iraq's Kurdish president, Jalal Talabani, visited the U.S. in May.
Television carried his meeting with President Bush. Mr. Talabani told ABC-TV
that Iraqi leaders had convinced the Iraq-based "militants" to stop their
attacks, "and they did it." In the event that the U.S. forces in Iraq take
action against the Kurds, they risk getting into another war before the
ongoing violent conflict is settled. The U.S. should not overlook that the
Iraqi Kurds are the most pro-American group in the region. They know the
region as though they designed it. It would be foolish to create an anti-U.S.
group out of one that is friendly.
Erdogan stated quite plainly what he wants: "Our expectation from the
United States is to scatter and destroy the bases of the terrorist
organization in northern Iraq." Turkey's Prime Minister wants the Kurds to
be either turned over to Turkey or sent elsewhere. Erdogan said that troop
movements to the border are "to achieve results. Our patience has run out.
The necessary steps will be taken when needed."
The Kurds have promised to fight the Turks if they should cross the
border. Turkey's military, always eager to show its mettle on the
battlefield as the heirs of Attila the Hun, are set to move. They want to
establish a "buffer zone" across the frontier, just as Turks have done in
the past. What this means, of course, is that Turkish troops would have to
monitor the buffer zone for compliance, and one would hardly be shocked were
they to establish military bases in northern Iraq.
And who would stop them? The U.S.? Isn't a secular, "democratic" Turkey
just great for U.S. interests?
************************************** *************************************
11. Commentary: Time works against those who waste it
* The greatest threat against Karabakh is demographic
by Tatul Hakobyan
YEREVAN -- The June 9 meeting of the presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan in
Saint Petersburg did not bring about a breakthrough in the resolution of the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Presidents Robert Kocharian and Ilham Aliyev met
in private for three hours. For another hour, they were joined by Foreign
Ministers Vartan Oskanian and Elmar Mamedyarov and OSCE Minsk Group
co-chairs Matthew Bryza (U.S.), Yuri Merzlyakov (Russia), and Bernard
Fassier (France).
The presidents did not make any public announcements after the meeting.
The foreign ministers told reporters that disagreements continued over
certain matters of principle -- the final status of Karabakh foremost among
them. In nine months, Mr. Kocharian will no longer be president, and it is
quite possible that this meeting will turn out to be his last with Mr.
Aliyev.
On the eve of the Saint Petersburg meeting, the president of
Nagorno-Karabakh, Arkady Ghoukassian, had announced that the primary and
principal issue in the negotiations is the question of the final status of
Karabakh. "If there is no agreement around the final status, then it is
meaningless to examine all the other questions. There is an alternative:
resolve nothing. That is a solution too. By resolving nothing, resolve the
question. Some people are of the opinion that events must develop in that
way."
Thirteen years have elapsed since the establishment of a ceasefire on the
front. Since the internationalization of the Karabakh issue with the
collapse of the Soviet Union, mediators have visited dozens of times;
presidents and foreign ministers have conducted scores of negotiations. Mr.
Kocharian alone met 25 times with the late President Heydar Aliyev of
Azerbaijan (twice in 1993 when Mr. Kocharian was the chairperson of State
Defense Committee of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic) and nine times with the
younger Mr. Aliyev. Notwithstanding numerous optimistic announcements, no
document has been signed to this day. The only signed document is the
trilateral ceasefire agreement signed in Moscow on May 12, 1994.
Suren Zolian, who was a member of Armenia's Supreme Soviet from 1990 to
1995, participated in all of the early settlement talks, in Zheleznovodsk in
1991 and in Rome in 1992, five meetings in all. Today he insists that the
three sides to the conflict -- Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Karabakh -- have an
interest in playing for time, each having its own expectations.
"Azerbaijan's economy has started growing faster than the economies of
Armenia and Karabakh. Azerbaijan has the opportunity to convert economic
progress into military progress, and is not ready for negotiations and
concessions, hoping that time will work to its advantage. Meanwhile, in
Armenia and Karabakh there is awareness that certain historical realities
are becoming irreversible. A generation has come of age in Karabakh that
cannot imagine its future inside Azerbaijan, or why Karabakh should cede its
de facto independence. What's important with the passage of time is
democratization and social justice. If Karabakh is more democratic than
Azerbaijan, then it's difficult to put a democratic entity into a
nondemocratic one," Mr. Zolian said.
Maintaining the status quo, Mr. Zolian says, is a solution. "I don't see
that any one of the three sides is ready for a change in the status quo.
Time is not automatically working in anyone's favor. The side that does not
use its resources is the side that will be defeated," he added.
Indeed, in democracy, in defending human rights, and in the rule of law,
Armenia and the unrecognized Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh are several steps
ahead of Azerbaijan. But this cannot be considered a great victory, because
the international community continues to see Armenia and Azerbaijan in the
same light. Moreover, why should Armenia and Karabakh, with their long
traditions of enlightenment, compare themselves with the authoritarian
oriental dictatorship that is Azerbaijan?
After the last parliamentary elections, Armenia's international image
improved. It is especially important for the upcoming presidential election
in Karabakh to be free of fraud. The international community will not
recognize the election results, but they remain very significant. What a
blow it will be if unrecognized Karabakh has an illegitimate head of state.
Continued progress in democracy, respect for human rights, and the rule of
law can allow the two Armenian states to become an oasis of democracy in the
Caucasus-Caspian-Central Asia region. In the early 1990s, when Georgia and
Azerbaijan were experiencing permanent upheaval and changes of government,
and in central Asia the Turkmenbashis and Karimovs were consolidating their
rule, Armenia was seen as an oasis of stability and democracy.
Economically, oil-rich Azerbaijan can surpass stone-rich Armenia and
Mountainous Karabakh. But with a lessening of corruption, the establishment
of fair competition, and a serious struggle against clannishness, the
Armenian states can become more attractive countries economically than they
are today.
Militarily, Azerbaijan has the possibility of surpassing Armenia and
Karabakh, but that will not be sufficient to start, much less win, a new
war. In the 1991-94 war, Azerbaijan enjoyed advantages over Armenia and
Karabakh in terms of population, military hardware, and finances, in spite
of which it suffered a crushing defeat. Being well-armed is no guarantee of
victory in war.
Armenia and Karabakh are clearly at a demographic disadvantage to
Azerbaijan. The last 15-20 years have been a disaster for Armenians.
Whereas in 1988, the 4,400 sq km of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region
had 150 thousand Armenian residents, today, the 11,000 sq km of the Republic
of Nagorno-Karabakh has a population of 137 thousand, according to official
figures. In reality the number may be as low as 100 thousand. Never in the
past 80 years have there been so few Armenians in Karabakh as there are
today.
Kiro Manoyan is head of the ARF Hay Tahd and political affairs office in
Armenia. "If time is simply going to elapse, and we are going to do nothing,
then clearly, it will not work to our advantage. We have not used the last
few years as we should have. From today, starting with the last meeting of
the presidents, when it became clear that there will be no quick resolution
of the Karabakh conflict, we must initiate a serious repopulation program,"
Mr. Manoyan says.
Hrant Bagratian was Armenia's prime minister from 1993 to 1996. Those are
the years that saw the greatest repopulation of Karabakh, about 10,000
people. He insists that over the last 10 years, Armenians have been
defeated.
"The only factor that we can create is repopulation. We bring half a
million or one million people and say that this is a living, vibrant
society," Mr. Bagratian says. "When people are living on the land, you say
this is not just a political issue but a humanitarian one. Today we must let
the world know that we need breathing and living space."
Emigration from Armenia and Karabakh today is no longer a serious threat,
as it was until recently. But there is a new tendency to move from the
regions to Yerevan. Karabakh is no exception. Those Artsakh-Armenians who
can, buy apartments in Yerevan and nearby suburbs. The reverse, a return to
ancestral homes, is not happening. Of the 30 thousand Armenians driven from
Martakert in 1992-93, very few have gone home.
The unresolved state of the Karabakh conflict, as international
institutions maintain, is the greatest obstacle to the integration and
development of the countries of the Caucasus. In this broad sense, time
works against everyone. The sums that Armenia, Karabakh, and Azerbaijan
spend for military purposes can be spent for better purposes if the conflict
is resolved. For Azerbaijan, the resolution of the conflict can mean the
return of some areas under control of Karabakh's forces, and therefore the
return of refugees.
For the Armenian side, the frozen state of the Karabakh conflict means
closed borders, continual military threats from Turkey and Azerbaijan, and
isolation from regional development programs. In Armenia and the diaspora
there is a view that the closing of borders by Turkey is not detrimental but
advantageous to Armenia's economy. This, of course, is another topic. But if
closed borders really emanate from Armenian interests, then why is it Turkey
that keeps the borders closed?
* * *
* The 25 meetings of Robert Kocharian and Heydar Aliyev
1993 September 25. Moscow. Kocharian was chair of NKR's State Defense
Committee. Aliyev was Azerbaijan's acting president.
1993 October 9. Moscow. A week after Mr. Aliyev became president.
1998 April 28. Moscow. CIS Summit. Mr. Kocharian was president of Armenia.
1999 April 1. Moscow. CIS Summit.
1999 April 26. Washington. NATO 50th anniversary.
1999 July 16. Geneva. At the presidents' initiative.
1999 August 22. Geneva. At the presidents' initiative.
1999 September 11. Yalta. On the sidelines of a conference.
1999 October 11. On the Armenia-Nakhichevan border. At the presidents'
initiative.
1999 November 18. Istanbul. OSCE Summit.
2000 January 24. Moscow. CIS Summit.
2000 January 29. Davos. Economic Forum.
2000 June 20. Moscow. CIS Summit.
2000 August 18. Yalta. CIS Informal Summit.
2000 September 7. New York. United Nations General Assembly.
2000 November 30. Minsk. CIS Summit.
2001 January 26. Paris. On President Jacques Chirac's initiative.
2001 March 4-5. Paris. On Chirac's initiative.
2001 April 3-6. Key West, Fla. Proximity Talks, with the presidents in
separate rooms, negotiating through the mediators (OSCE Minsk Group
co-chairs).
2001 May 31. Minsk. CIS Summit.
2001 August 2. Sochi. CIS Informal Summit.
2001 November 30. Moscow. CIS Summit.
2002 August 14. On the Armenia-Nakhichevan border.
2002 October 6. Kishinev. CIS Summit.
2002 November 21. Prague. NATO Summit.
* The 9 meetings of Robert Kocharian and Ilham Aliyev
2003 December 11. Geneva. On the sidelines of a conference.
2004 April 28. Warsaw. European Economic Forum.
2004 September 14. Astana. CIS Summit.
2005 May 15. Warsaw. Council of Europe Summit.
2005 August 27. Kazan. CIS Summit.
2006 February 10-11. Paris and Rambouillet. On President Jacques Chirac's
initiative.
2006 June 4-5. Bucharest. On the sidelines of a Black Sea conference.
2006 November 28. Minsk. CIS Summit.
2007 June 9. Saint Petersburg. CIS Informal Summit.
***************************************** **********************************
12. Letters
* Contra "kef"
Sir:
The Turks have a saying in their language: "Ermeni yok, kef-im chok."
Loosely translated, it means that the speaker would be ecstatic if all the
Armenians were dead.
In other words, the Turkish word "kef" is part of what the 1915 Genocide
was about: the Turks massacred 1.5 million Armenians in part for the sheer
pleasure they derived from doing it.
Last week, I read in the "Armenian Weekly" that the ANCA, an organization
affiliated with the ARF, is sponsoring a so-called "Hye Kef Time" weekend on
Cape Cod.
I am writing to express my strenuous disapproval of the use of this term
in connection with the Cape Cod event. The above saying clearly indicates
that this term has a connotation that is diametrically opposed to everything
the ARF stands for, and everything the Armenian community is working to
achieve. Have we forgotten what the centuries of Turkish oppression
culminating in the forcible uprooting of our civilization was all about?
Why do we need to use this word to describe this event? The term "kef" is
totally inappropriate for Armenians and it should be expunged from our
usage. Why not call it "Hye Party Time" or "Armenian Dance Festival"
instead?
When I was an AYF member we signed contracts with Armenian bands
regularly, and we routinely insisted that no Turkish language be used. Some
of the bands were recalcitrant, but ultimately they understood that we had
the right to dictate the terms. This current development indicates an
appalling lack of forethought on the part of the planners of this event.
I hope it is not too late to correct this error, and that it can be done
without any delay.
Very truly yours,
Levon A. Saryan, Ph.D.
Greenfield, Wis.
* Just say "No" to a new nuclear power plant
Sir:
This letter is in response to your article, "Armenia reaffirms plans for a
new nuclear power plant" ("Reporter," June 2). I am writing as a concerned
member of the public, as an environmental scientist/engineer, and as an
Armenian-American. My hope is that every reader of this letter will actively
intervene on the issue of constructing a new nuclear power station in
Armenia.
President Kocharian has decided, without consulting public opinion or
considering the will of its citizens, that Armenia needs a new nuclear power
station. Yes, Armenia needs new sources of energy. However, the old nuclear
power station can be replaced by a thermal power station based on gas -- a
much less expensive and much safer alternative. Since both gas and nuclear
fuel have to be imported (Armenia produces neither domestically), there
would be little advantage in building a nuclear plant from the point of view
of making Armenia energy independent. In fact, it would be more dangerous to
transport nuclear fuel over long distances than to transport gas.
Consider the risks of building a nuclear power station: (a) It would be
built in an earthquake zone, possibly without the technology to make the
plant's foundation earthquake-proof. (b) It would be built in a conflict
zone, constantly under threat of war, and susceptible to terrorist attacks.
(c) It would contribute to the radioactive contamination of the environment
as a result of its operation and also from its waste storage sites.
Apparently, Armenia has some uranium deposits, and there are people in the
governments of Armenia and Russia who have proposed to mine and to mill
uranium in there. Even then, however, uranium enrichment would be done
outside of Armenia -- hence Armenia would still have to import its nuclear
fuel, while bearing the risk of radioactive contamination from the mining
and the milling of uranium (see my commentary on this topic in the
"Reporter"'s May 19 edition).
Finally, Armenia should consider the advantages of developing alternative
sources of energy, such as wind. Old Soviet-era studies suggested that
Armenia could obtain up to one-third of its energy from wind power. Why not
invest in wind energy, instead of promoting the interests of the nuclear
industry at the expense of the public?
It is the public in Armenia which will be paying the high cost of
nuclear-derived electricity, in addition to the high cost of storing and
isolating nuclear waste. Armenia, being small in size, is running out of
space for the storage of its nuclear waste. And Armenia still lacks a
vigorous radiation-monitoring program; indeed the public in general remains
unaware of the levels and extent of radioactive contamination that already
exist in Armenia.
I hope every reader will write letters, make telephone calls, and do their
utmost so that the building of Armenia's new nuclear power plant will not
become a reality.
Very truly yours,
Anne Shirinian-Orlando
The writer is the U.S. coordinator for the Greens Union of Armenia,
headquartered in Yerevan. She holds a Ph.D. in Environmental Sciences from
Rutgers University.
* A fitting tribute to George Mgrdichian
Sir:
Thank you for the article (re-print) on George Mgrdichian in the June 9th
edition. It was a fitting, thoughtful and important tribute to a great
musician and a wonderful artistic spirit. I have had the good fortune of
hearing Mr. Mgrdichian perform live on a number of occasions and have
several of his recordings. His music captures you and connects you to deep,
soulful and ancient places. The recording "George Mgrdichian on Oud" is a
must-have for any music lover or Armenian home. For anyone who does not have
this CD, get it. You won't regret it.
Very truly yours,
Armen Mirakian
New York City
******************************************** *******************************
13. Editorial: Turkey plays with fire in northern Iraq
Turkey's armed forces have been building up their presence along the border
with Iraq. The top generals are eager to cross the border into the
Kurdish-administered northeast of that war-torn country.
That is the one relatively calm region in Iraq today. Kurdish leaders
there cooperated with the U.S. armed forces and have since maintained
excellent relations with the United States. But Kurdistan spans Turkey and
Iran as well as Iraq, and Kurdish autonomy is seen as a threat by Turkey and
Iran. They worry that Iraqi Kurdistan will serve as a base for Kurdish
liberation movements in their countries.
On June 6, hundreds of Turkish soldiers crossed the border, allegedly in
hot pursuit of Kurdish guerrillas. They are said to have returned to Turkey
the same day. Meanwhile, the "New Anatolian" reports that the Iranian and
Turkish militaries are continuing to coordinate artillery shelling of
Kurdish refugees in Iraq.
Turkish and Iranian military activity in the one part of Iraq that is
relatively peaceful is the last thing the United States wants to see.
Failure to protect Iraqi Kurdistan would embarrass the United States and
undermine its alliance with Iraqi Kurds. The U.S. secretaries of defense and
state have repeatedly urged Turkey to stay out of Iraq. Last week,
Condoleezza Rice, the secretary of state, told The Associated Press, "a
robust move across the border" would benefit no one.
But even a less-than-robust move has the potential to have unforeseen
consequences.
The Turkish military's push for an invasion of Iraq is closely tied with
its broader struggle for continued dominance in Turkey. Threatening a coup,
it managed a few weeks ago to derail the election, by parliament, of the
ruling party's nominee for president. Now, the decision to send tens of
thousands of troops across the border -- as the generals want and as Turkey
has done three times since the early 1990s -- requires the approval of that
same parliament.
The leader of the ruling party, Prime Minister Erdogan, has opposed such
a
move. On June 12, he said, "Has the struggle against 5,000 terrorists inside
Turkey come to a close so that we can now start dealing with the 500 in
northern Iraq?"
But the Turkish military and ultranationalist circles will continue to put
pressure on Mr. Erdogan, and to use this matter to discredit him and his
party. Indeed, the military orchestrated antigovernment demonstrations last
week to protest what it considers a weak stance against terrorists.
The risk of a large regional conflagration -- on Armenia's borders -- is
very real. A Turkish invasion would be met bitterly by Iraqi Arabs as well
as Kurds. If Iran is not involved from the start, it is likely to be drawn
in quickly.
The warnings issued so far by U.S. officials have not been enough to stop
the Turkish military's saber-rattling; nor did they stop last week's
cross-border troop movement. The Turkish generals need to receive an
unequivocal message from their U.S. counterparts that northern Iraq is off
limits to them.
Turkey is adept at stressing its importance to the United States as an
ally. It is at a time like this that the alliance is tested.
***************************************** **********************************
14. Editorial: Signs of maturity
For far too long, many critics of the government in Armenia have resorted to
empty gestures instead of constructive engagement with the specific policies
and actions of the government. Some opposition politicians, having been
elected to parliament in 2003, promptly announced a boycott, and refused to
show up for work. No one and nothing is legitimate, they declared, so let's
not lend decisions credibility by participating in them, they said in
effect. Voters did not reelect any of the boycotters.
Two opposition parties elected on May 12 started off on the same wrong
foot. They refused to pick up their mandates and attend the opening session
of the National Assembly last week. It was a disappointing performance: the
Country of Laws and Heritage Parties had filed nomination papers with the
Central Electoral Commission; they had campaigned hard to gain people's
trust and votes; many tens of thousands of citizens had put their trust and
their hopes in one or the other of these two parties; and then, on the eve
of the opening session of parliament, the newly elected representatives had
refused to go back to the Central Electoral Commission to pick up their
mandates, and to show up for work the next day.
Fortunately, both groups have since had the wisdom to assume their
parliamentary responsibilities. There is now reason to hope that they will
help raise political discourse in Armenia to a constructive new level. That
was the faith with which many voters chose these parties, and that is
certainly our hope. The National Assembly must become a place where
ministers and functionaries can expect tough but fair questions and citizens
can expect official accountability.
By taking their oversight responsibilities seriously, members of
parliament will surely gain the trust of more people. This applies equally
to members of the governing parties. As people see the institutions of state
operate transparently and fairly, and important functionaries held
accountable for their actions, their faith in the state and its leaders will
grow.
************************************** *************************************
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June 16, 2007 -- From the front section
To see the printed version of the newspaper, complete with photographs and
additional content, visit www.reporter.am and download the pdf files. It's
free.
1. 14 found guilty so far in election fraud cases (by Armen Hakobyan)
* Prison terms for manipulating tallies, bribing voters
2. Armenia's hi-tech future will be the focus of ArmTech '07 in San
Francisco (by Michael McAllister)
3. From Washington, in brief (by Emil Sanamyan)
* Armenia still on U.S. trafficking "Watch List"
* Professor uncovers U.S.-based anti-Armenian propagandist
* Poll: Turks see U.S. as the biggest threat to their security
* Turkish government opposes invasion of Iraqi Kurdistan
* Experts: Russia's Azerbaijan radar offer doesn't make technical sense
* Bush wants Kosovo independence "sooner rather than later"
4. Poll: Armenians, others on their life, finances, and economy
5. Interview: Washington's Dean Shahinian straddles Congress, Armenian
community service (part 2)
6. Two centuries after his death, Sayat Nova, the "King of Songs," still
holds court in Tbilisi (by Talin Suciyan)
7. "Vision + Visitors =3D Success": A seminar provides Armenia's museums with
self-improvement tools (by Betty Panossian-Ter Sargssian)
* Planting seeds for visitor satisfaction in museums
8. Armen Gevorgian appointed NSC secretary
9. Commentary: What will happen when Armenia meets Azerbaijan in the field
of . . . soccer? (by Edward Shnorhokian)
* A reminiscence of Edward K. Boghosian
10. Commentary: "Secular" does not mean "democratic" (by Moorad Mooradian)
11. Commentary: Time works against those who waste it (by Tatul Hakobyan)
* The greatest threat against Karabakh is demographic
12. Letters
* Contra "kef" (Levon A. Saryan, Ph.D.)
* Just say "No" to a new nuclear power plant (Anne Shirinian-Orlando, Ph.D.)
* A fitting tribute to George Mgrdichian (Armen Mirakian)
13. Editorial: Turkey plays with fire in northern Iraq
14. Editorial: Signs of maturity
**************************************** ***********************************
1. 14 found guilty so far in election fraud cases
* Prison terms for manipulating tallies, bribing voters
by Armen Hakobyan
YEREVAN -- In the aftermath of Armenia's May 12 parliamentary elections, 14
individuals have been found guilty of violating the electoral laws and have
been sentenced, the press liaison of the prosecutor general's office told
the "Armenian Reporter."
In Kotayk, on May 10 candidate Sasun Mikayelian complained that Hrazdan
city resident Bella Melkonian was handing out bribes to voters. Prosecutors
charged that Hrazdan resident Aramayis Alexanian, with Ms. Melkonian's help,
had handed out 4,000 dram ($11) bribes to 32 residents to vote in favor of
another candidate. The Kotayk regional trial court heard the case and found
Mr. Alexanian and Ms. Melkonian guilty of violating the electoral code. Both
were sentenced to one year's imprisonment. Ms. Melkonian's sentence was
suspended.
In Armavir on May 12, candidate Rustam Gasparian's representative
complained that two people had been seen handing out bribes. The two had
been dragged to Mr. Gasparian's headquarters, where they were allegedly
found to be in possession of 14 passports and a list of 45 people. The
prosecutor general pressed charges against one of them, Yeghishe Sargsian.
The trial court found Mr. Sargsian guilty of violating the electoral code
and sentenced him to a year's imprisonment. The court suspended the
sentence.
In Gegharkunik, on May 12, the chair of the electoral commission for
precinct 23/39 complained that at 7:45 p.m. Ovkian Meloyan, a member of the
commission, had left the precinct in possession of a register of voters
holding the names of a thousand voters and the signatures of those who had
voted. Police and a prosecutor went to the precinct and soon afterward, Mr.
Meloyan came back with the register. The prosecutor general pressed charges,
the trial court found Mr. Meloyan guilty of violating the electoral code,
and fined him 300,000 drams ($860).
The Central Electoral Commission on May 18 complained that in Aragatsotn,
the precinct electoral commission for precinct 15/16 had committed fraud in
tabulating the results of the proportional ballot. The complaint was based
on a recount of the ballots by the district electoral commission. The
prosecutor general pressed charges against all nine members of the precinct
electoral commission. All nine were found guilty. Commission chair Armen
Eloyan was sentenced to 18 months imprisonment. The other eight members were
given the same sentence, which was suspended.
In Ararat, Kristapor Babajanian, a proxy for candidate Tigran Stepanian,
complained that on Election Day, while the ballots were being counted, he
and his colleague Babken Stepanian were approached by a Jeep and fired at.
According to the prosecutor general, the Jeep belonged to Samvel Sahakian,
former executive director of Masis Tobacco. It was driven by a member of
Masis Tobacco's security detail. A passenger, Mushegh Lalazarian, head of
security for Masis Tobacco, was in possession of a hunting rifle and fired
it twice. No one was injured. Mr. Lalazarian was charged with possession of
a deadly weapon in the vicinity of an electoral precinct and armed assault.
He was found guilty and sentenced to two years' imprisonment.
Still pending is a case against Jivan Sargsian, chair of the electoral
commission for precinct 14/55 in the Vardenis village of Aragatsotn. He is
charged with taking votes cast for certain opposition parties and adding
them to the tally of other parties.
* Constitutional Court affirms election results
The Impeachment bloc and the New Times, Republic, and Country of Laws
parties had filed suit with Armenia's Constitutional Court demanding that
the court overturn the Central Electoral Commission decision certifying the
May 12 elections, and order new elections. After hearings, the court on
Sunday, June 10, denied the petition. It did, however, refer the few
specific violations cited by the plaintiffs to the prosecutor general for
action. These were violations in six precincts. (There are 1,648 precincts.)
The prosecutor general's press liaison told the "Armenian Reporter" that
as of June 15, the cases had not been received.
The immediate result of the court's decision was that candidates elected
on the Country of Laws and Heritage tickets went to the Central Electoral
Commission and collected their mandates. They had earlier refused to pick up
their mandates and had not participated in the opening session of parliament
on the grounds that the results of the election were still being disputed in
the Constitutional Court.
Still pending before the Constitutional Court are three complaints about
majoritarian district results.
**************************************** ***********************************
2. Armenia's hi-tech future will be the focus of ArmTech '07 in San
Francisco
by Michael McAllister
SAN FRANCISCO -- The Armenian Technology Congress, a Silicon Valley-based
organization founded by technology and business professionals, will be
launching "ArmTech '07," a conference linking Armenian and other
professionals from around the world to develop a "global focus in high
technology."
The conference will open with a gala banquet on July 3, which will be
followed by two and a-half days of presentations, exhibits, and networking
opportunities.
The event, open to all, will focus on concepts and trends in Armenia's
high tech industry, rather than on specific technologies. "Conference
attendees do not have to have technical background," says Tony Moroyan,
founder of ArmTech, "By coming to this conference, you will know what's
going on with high tech in Armenia. What's gone on in the past; what is the
present; and where it is heading." He hopes the conference will help people
in the international community take notice of Armenia -- and help present
the country as an important destination for investments and high tech
industry.
To that end the conference -- a non-profit, volunteer-run event envisioned
as recurring every two years -- will bring together representatives of
government, industries, and universities, from both Armenia and the United
States. Keynote speakers will include Vartan Oskanian, Armenia's Minister of
Foreign Affairs; Vahram Nercissiantz, Chief Economic Advisor to President
Kocharian; and California State Senator Joe Simitian.
Other speakers will include faculty from John Hopkins and UC-Berkeley, as
well as executives from both high tech and investment corporations like
Synopsis, Inc., and Morgan Stanley.
* Once a high-tech hotbed
Since Armenia's independence, high tech companies working mainly in software
design have formed within its borders. But Moroyan sees the possibility of
further high tech development in areas such as telecommunications,
semiconductors, and renewable energy.
In the past, Armenia was a hotbed of high technology: the veritable
Silicon Valley of the Soviet Union. When the Soviet Union collapsed, so did
Armenia's economy, and the country lost that noteworthy role.
That was when Moroyan and his peers in the high tech industry began to get
involved. In 1991, when Moroyan was an executive with Hitachi America, the
Armenian government invited him to visit, to help assess the state of their
high tech industry, how it compared to the rest of the world, and how they
could keep their valuable scientists busy. Moroyan, whose parents were
orphans from the 1915 Genocides, had himself never been to Armenia. "You go
there and sit in front of Mount Aragats," he says, "and you fall in love. It
does something to you."
Moroyan's visit gave him a clearer idea of both the challenges and the
opportunities in Armenia's present economic climate. He sees that Armenia's
past adversities can work to its benefit. "We had to survive in the world,"
he says. "We are very good at solving difficult issues, difficult problems."
To that end, he feels that it is essential that Armenia develop and work
with the latest technologies, to stay competitive in the global economy.
* Like a body's nervous system
Moroyan, a seasoned Silicon Valley executive in venture and incubation
activities, feels that the timing for the conference is right. Noting
Armenia's land-locked geography, which limits its trade opportunities, and
its lack of exportable natural resources, Moroyan feels that high tech is an
essential industry for the country's future, as it depends more upon skilled
labor than raw materials.
"High tech is like the nervous system of the body," he says. "You need to
be able to connect things. All we need is a telecommunications link to the
outside world. This is the world of the Internet, the world of satellites,
the world of communication."
Moroyan feels that telecommunications could provide the infrastructure
Armenia needs, which may in turn benefit the country as a whole, improving
quality and efficiency in various sectors like schools, real estate, and
government. "The whole government operations are based on technology," says
Moroyan. "Via computers, one agency talking to another, such as customs with
the airport."
High tech can also provide the necessary links to the outside world, which
would benefit all industries. Take tourism, for example. "If somebody comes
to Armenia," Moroyan says, "they want to be able to stay connected with
their office, they want to be able to receive phone calls, to stay
wirelessly connected with their laptops."
ArmenTel's 15-year monopoly on Armenia's telecommunications has come to an
end, which Moroyan says will prove beneficial to the country's future in
high tech. "Now there is competition coming in, and we will have a fantastic
telecommunications infrastructure."
Furthermore, high tech workers in Armenia, says Moroyan, currently earn
the highest salaries in the country. "The growth of a high tech industry in
Armenia would bring more jobs for that sector, of course, and provide
challenging, rewarding work for the country's scientists, who are vital to
the country's future."
Most of these developments, however, remain only promises, as Armenia
still needs to attract attention and investments from the global community
-- which is precisely the goal of ArmTech '07.
"We have to do something like this to bring Armenia to an international
level," says Moroyan. "History has dealt us a hand, history has given us
this opportunity. Either we go in and help build it, or we can stand by, and
Armenia will change without us."
For information on ArmTech '07, or to register for the conference, log
onto www.armtechcongress.com.
************************ ************************************************** *
3. From Washington, in brief
by Emil Sanamyan
* Armenia still on U.S. trafficking "Watch List"
The U.S. Congress passed the "Trafficking Victims Protection Act" in 2001,
mandating that the State Department issue annual reports that rate the
world's efforts to counter human trafficking (primarily for the purposes of
forced labor and prostitution). The most recent report was issued on June
12.
In accordance with the Act, the annual "Trafficking in Persons Report"
puts countries into three "tiers." The Act envisions U.S. aid cuts to
countries repeatedly placed in the Tier 3 category. This year these
countries include those already sanctioned by the U.S. for other reasons
(for example, Iran) or countries too rich to need U.S. assistance (Saudi
Arabia and other Persian Gulf petro-states). This year, too, Georgia was for
the first time included in Tier I as "fully complying" with the Act.
Since the report began being issued, Armenia has been included (along with
most of the world) in Tier 2. Countries in this tier do NOT meet U.S.
standards on fighting trafficking, but "are making significant efforts to do
so." But since 2005, Armenia has been relegated to the report's "Watch
List," just short of Tier 3, which also includes Russia, the Ukraine, and
Moldova -- all major sources of trafficking victims.
In its interim assessment released on January 19, the State Department
encouraged Armenia and 38 countries to take additional measures to address
trafficking issues in order to be removed from the list. In the end,
although the U.S. acknowledged "moderate improvements" in Armenia, it
described the government's prosecution of officials allegedly involved in
trafficking-related corruption as "inadequate."
The June 12 report justified keeping Armenia on the "Watch List" "because
of its failure to show evidence of increasing efforts over the past year,
particularly in the areas of fighting trafficking-related corruption and
providing victim assistance." Connect to www.state.gov for the complete
report.
* Professor uncovers U.S.-based anti-Armenian propagandist
In articles first published last month by the Istanbul Armenian "Agos"
newspaper, one of the world's leading experts on the Armenian Genocide,
University of Minnesota History Professor Taner Akçam, revealed the identity
of one of the Internet's most active Genocide deniers: 50-something
cartoonist Murad Gunem.
Under the pen name "Holdwater," Mr. Gunem has gained notoriety through his
"Tall Armenian Tale" website, where he routinely targets Turkish
intellectuals who acknowledge the Genocide (such as Prof. Akçam), compares
Armenians to rodents, and widely quotes the late disbarred lawyer Sam Weems,
who penned an anti-Armenian hate book in 2002 that has since been
distributed by the Turkish lobby.
Prof. Akcam determined "Holdwater's" identity as Gunem through his
reference to a letter he wrote to then-President Jimmy Carter in 1980 and
subsequent correspondence, which was made available to Prof. Akcam by the
U.S. government archives. Connect to www.muradgumen.org for more on the
story.
* Poll: Turks see U.S. as the biggest threat to their security
When asked to name the source of the most imminent threat to them, more
Turks identify the U.S. than any other country, according to an opinion poll
cited by Turkey's "Zaman" newspaper on June 11.
According to a poll conducted on behalf of the Istanbul-based Bilgi
University, more than 35 percent of respondents said the U.S. is the
greatest threat to Turkey, followed by Iraqi Kurdistan with over 25 percent.
Less than 3 percent thought that Armenia posed a serious threat. That was
fewer than those who named the European Union (5.5 percent), Israel (4.2),
and Iraq (3.4), but more than those who named Iran (1.5).
More than 71 percent said that Turkey has no friends or significant
allies, and a full half of the respondents believe that the European Union
wants to divide Turkey.
When asked about issues that "would not befit their national values," 45
percent Turks polled named atheism, 38 percent said being Christian or
Jewish, 23 percent said homosexuality, 21 percent said communism, 19 percent
said radical Islam, and 8 percent said extreme nationalism.
* Turkish government opposes invasion of Iraqi Kurdistan
"There are 500 terrorists in Iraq; there are 5,000 terrorists inside Turkey.
Has terrorism inside Turkey ended for us, to [allow us to] think about an
operation in northern Iraq?"
Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyib Erdogan asked this question
rhetorically on June 12 in reference to Kurdish rebel forces and in apparent
defiance of the Turkish military's calls for invasion, the "Turkish Daily
News" reported the next day.
Tensions along the border with Iraqi Kurdistan rose as the Turkish
military launched aerial and artillery attacks on Kurdish-held border areas
and threatened a larger invasion strongly opposed by the United States (see
this column in the June 9 "Reporter"). Iraqi Kurdish and Shiite leaders
warned of a full-scale war in the event of invasion.
The Turkish build-up came amid an increased number of Kurdish attacks
inside Turkey and just over a month before general elections, in which the
nationalist military establishment hopes to unseat the relatively more
moderate Erdogan government.
A number of Turkish commentators have linked the Turkish military's show
of force to efforts to discredit the government as weak on security. But
according to the latest polling data, Erdogan's Justice and Development
Party is still close to winning enough votes to form a new government
single-handedly.
Also on June 12, the Kurdistan Workers' Party declared a unilateral
cease-fire with Turkey. "We will not carry out attacks other than for
self-defense," its statement said.
* Experts: Russia's Azerbaijan radar offer doesn't make technical sense
The little-known Russian military base in Azerbaijan was thrust into the
news last week, when President Vladimir Putin offered the U.S. "joint use"
of its early warning radar instead of building new radars in Central Europe
(see this column in the June 9 "Reporter"). President George W. Bush and his
officials found the proposal "interesting" and suggested that experts look
into it.
Since then, at least two military experts questioned the feasibility of
the radar's use by the U.S.
On June 8, Duncan Lennox of the London-based Jane's Strategic Weapons
Systems told Radio Liberty that "the problem is that if you have the radar
too close to the launch point [as the one in Azerbaijan is to neighboring
Iran], the missile will overfly that radar and will then be going away from
the radar." It would thus be unable to guide interceptors to shoot down such
a missile, and would only be useful in providing an additional early warning
of a missile launch.
And in the June 13 issue of the Eurasia Daily Monitor published by the
Washington-based Jamestown Foundation, one of Russia's top military experts
Pavel Felgenhauer noted that the purpose of Russia's radar in Azerbaijan is
to detect U.S. missile launches from the Indian Ocean, NOT those from Iran's
territory. This radar "cannot be moved, it cannot be retargeted," he wrote.
Mr. Felgenhauer also argued that an installation located so close to a
target country is vulnerable to a conventional attack. He suggested that
while Russia's offer to the U.S. is "technically senseless," it may provide
for "a politically attractive way to end the mounting confrontation" over
missile defense.
Mr. Lennox suggests that Russia just wants to be in the loop on the U.S.
plans. He said: "I believe the Russians are saying, 'Look, why don't you
talk to us first before deciding where to put things?' That is the sort of
feeling I get from what is being said."
* Bush wants Kosovo independence "sooner rather than later"
On the first-ever visit by a sitting U.S. President to the Balkan nation of
Albania on June 10, President George W. Bush reiterated America's support
for the independence of the majority ethnic Albanian Kosovo, which broke
away from Serbia with the U.S. and European help in the 1999 war.
News agencies quoted President Bush as saying that "America believes that
Kosovo ought to be independent," and that "the time is now to move the
Ahtisaari plan" -- a proposal prepared by United Nations' envoy Martti
Ahtisaari that would formalize Kosovo's internationally supervised
independence ahead of eventual international recognition. President Bush
reiterated the call during his visit to Bulgaria the next day.
Serbia and Russia, the latter with veto power on the UN Security Council,
oppose Kosovo's independence. Although, President Bush said that Kosovo
should become independent "sooner rather than later," it appears that
Russia's objections are likely to postpone any UN action for now.
On June 11, State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said that while the
U.S. wants to "move forward" on the issue as soon as possible, no dates have
been set, and political consultations were underway. Western commentators
suggest that unless Russia lifts the veto threat, Kosovo may be encouraged
to declare unilateral independence with subsequent Western recognition.
************************************ ***************************************
4. Poll: Armenians, others on their life, finances, and economy
Asked about their personal or family finances, Armenians are generally
content and optimistic, according to a recent poll of 1,023 conducted on
behalf of the All-Russian Center for the Study of Public Opinion. Half (49
percent) say they are generally satisfied with their lives; 19 percent
describe their family's financial situation as "good," and 55 percent as
"average"; 47 percent expect their financial situation to improve, while 39
percent expect it to stay the same.
At the same time only seven percent are happy with Armenia's overall
economic situation, with 41 percent calling it "average," and 52 percent
"bad."
There is a different trend in Azerbaijan (where 1,203 were polled). 41
percent say their country is in good economic shape, 36 percent say it's
average, and 14 percent, "bad." But when it comes to their own or their
family lives, only 41 percent are generally satisfied; 20 percent say are in
a good financial situation, and 33 percent describe it as average. Here, 36
percent expect improvement, and 32 percent, no change.
Of the seven post-Soviet states polled, most satisfied with their lives
were respondents in Kazakhstan (73 percent), Kyrgyzstan, and Belarus (65
percent each). Least satisfied in Ukraine (35 percent). Russia found itself
in the middle (51 percent).
- E.S.
******************************************** *******************************
5. Interview: Washington's Dean Shahinian straddles Congress, Armenian
community service (part 2)
On May 25 the "Armenian Reporter"'s Washington editor Emil Sanamyan
interviewed Dean Shahinian, a senior staff member in the U.S. Senate and
Washington Armenian community activist. This is the second part of that
interview. See last week's edition for the first part.
Reporter: You have been active with the Armenian Church. Are you on the
parish council?
Shahinian: No, but I am a Diocesan delegate, which means I represent my
home parish, Washington's St. Mary's, the Church where I was baptized, at
the Diocesan Assembly. I have also been elected by the Diocesan Assembly to
serve on the Diocesan Council -- the board of directors -- of the Eastern
Diocese of the Armenian Church in the U.S.
I have also been elected by the Diocesan Assembly to represent the Diocese
as a member of the National Ecclesiastical Assembly -- that's the body that
elects the Catholicos of All Armenians.
So I was a patgamavor or delegate in the 1995 and 1999 elections.
Reporter: What highlights do you recall from those elections?
Shahinian: In 1995, our pastor at St. Mary's, Rev. Vertanes Kalayjian,
shortly before the delegates were to leave for Armenia, gave a sermon where
he said that here we are having a first National Ecclesiastical Assembly in
forty years and we have no agenda.
Reporter: First in forty years because of passing of Catholicos Vazgen I?
So the assemblies take place only when there is a need to elect a new
Catholicos?
Shahinian: This is what has evolved. Well, I took Rev. Kalayjian's words
to heart. While the Diocese did not have an agenda, for me to go half way
around the world, spend money to do it and take off from work, I should have
some reason other than just to cast a ballot for a Catholicos -- even though
that is important.
So, I reflected on the potential of the Armenian Church and thought about
what might make the Church better that could be addressed at this National
Ecclesiastical Assembly. I read that this is the highest body in the
Armenian Church, if they vote for something -- that is it. In fact, they
select the Catholicos.
I came with a four-part proposal which I offered in 1995 and again in
1999.
The first part was to allow married priests to be elected Primates [of
Dioceses], because that would give us a larger pool of talent from which to
select. If a married priest is chosen Primate, he may be more concerned with
making the Diocese a better place for his kids. If you have a married priest
with a wife who is caring for him, he might be better able to understand and
help his clergy and laymen. And while an unmarried priest may be able to
devote more time to his job, I don't think there is anything that
presumptively makes an unmarried priest a better Primate than a married
priest.
Second, for married priests to be able to become consecrated bishops --
this going back to ancient Armenian Practice and ancient Christian Practice.
The great Patriarch Malachia Ormanian called for this a century ago.
Third, allow unmarried men to be ordained as priests without taking the
vow of celibacy. And I think this is important, because to take a vow and
say that "I am not going to get married" is presuming to know God's will for
the future. It may be that it is God's will that a priest already ordained
should get married, and we are precluding that. Marriage is a sacrament, why
would we require someone vow not to take a sacrament in the church?
Finally, resume the practice of ordaining women as deaconesses.
Reporter: When was this last practice ended?
Shahinian: I understand there are still some women deaconessess [in the
Armenian Church] in Turkey. And the doors to the Holy Etchmiadzin are
dedicated to a deaconess.
Now in 1995 I presented this four-part proposal together with Rev. Dajad
Davidian, who used to be the pastor in Watertown, Mass. and now serves in
Armenia. It was presented to the Assembly after the election of the
Catholicos. His Holiness Karekin I said: Oh that's a very important
proposal -- too important to be discussed here; I am going to have another
National Ecclesiastical Assembly in two years and we will discuss it and
other issues then.
As it turns out, he did not call another Assembly and unfortunately passed
away.
In 1999, I prepared the same proposal again and made 450 copies with
background information translated into eastern Armenian, Russian, and
English. My sense was that the overwhelming number of delegates could read
at least one of those languages. The proposal was introduced and referred to
something called the Proposals Committee, which I was informed was not
actually in the [Church] charter at the time.
Reporter: Were there other proposals or was yours the only one?
Shahinian: Well, there may have been others, I do not recall. Archbishop
Zaven Chinchinian told me it was given to the Proposals Committee chaired by
the Patriarch [of Jerusalem] Torgom Manougian for potential discussion after
the election at the Assembly. However, the election of the Catholicos
coincided with the shootings in Parliament [on October 27, 1999], and when
this occurred, the Assembly was stopped.
So, this proposal is still with the Proposals Committee.
Reporter: Was there any support for your proposals from other delegates?
Shahinian: There were several American and Canadian delegates who were
supportive. Many Russian delegates said they were supportive, some said:
some unmarried priests and bishops have wives and kids anyway, why not
institutionalize it?
There would have been support.
Reporter: So, are you still technically a delegate to the Assembly, is
there a term of some kind?
Shahinian: The term, to my knowledge, is just for one Assembly. In the U.S.,
there were special meetings of the Diocesan Assembly to elect the delegates
for each NEA -- one representative for each 25,000 baptized Armenians living
in the geographic jurisdiction of a diocese, based on a number stated by
each diocese.
Reporter: And is that typically a competitive process?
Shahinian: In this diocese, there were three to four times the number of
people who ran for the office than were elected. So it was competitive.
Reporter: How does it work with the process of the elections of the
Catholicos?
Shahinian: Anyone can be elected Catholicos. But the Committee that
organizes the election allowed each current bishop to be a nominee unless he
asked that his name be taken off the ballot.
In 1995, after that process, there were eight clergymen whose names were
left on the ballot. The next day, the delegates met inside the Cathedral of
Holy Etchmiadzin to vote. The protocol was to call each delegate by name.
He or she would sign a book, take a ballot, walk to a table in front of the
altar and cross out the names of all the nominees except the one he wanted
to vote for, and dropped the ballot into a tall wooden box.
After everyone voted, the box was emptied and each vote was announced and
the votes counted in plain view of the delegates.
In 1995, on the first ballot, Garegin Catholicos was first, Garegin
Arkepiskopos second, and Barkev Episkopos -- third and no one had the
majority. The Assembly voted to leave the top three nominees for the second
ballot. So, we went through the same process of voting and Garegin
Catholicos had more votes, but still did not have a majority.
So at that, Garegin Arkepiskopos said: "I give my votes to Garegin
Catholicos," which puzzled many delegates. But before most people could
figure out what happened, the bells were ringing to announce to those
outside the cathedral that a new Catholicos had been elected.
In 1999, only two clergymen allowed their names to be placed on the ballot
and the delegates elected His Holiness Karekin II.
Reporter: This sounds like a generally straightforward, democratic
process. But how does the lobbying of delegates go before the vote?
Shahinian: Each time it was different. In 1995, there were policemen all
over Holy Etchmiadzin, in their uniforms, controlling where people could go.
One policeman came up to me, asking "Oh, who are you going to vote for?" I
told him, "I don't tell anyone." I thought "He is trying to intimidate me?"
In 1999, I recall that some Primates had meetings with their delegates and
made comments about things to consider in voting. At both Assemblies, some
clergy and lay delegates lobbied others.
* * *
Reporter: In general, what is your sense of where the Armenian Church is
today? What are its major issues?
Shahinian: I'll speak about the issues in U.S., because that is what I
know about. The major issue is whether the Church will be a social club for
first generation Armenian Americans, or will it aspire to be a church that
reaches the third generation and beyond. Right now, it is positioned
primarily for the first generation.
If one looks at the statistics, you see for example that in the last 10 to
15 years the number of dues-paying members in the Eastern Diocese has gone
down, and that is in a period when immigration has brought tens of
thousands, if not more, of Armenians into the geographic area of the
diocese. Sociologists -- and those who attend -- have found that the third
generation is virtually gone from our parishes.
That speaks of an institution that meets the needs of a very limited
number of Armenian-Americans. Church leaders' notion that Armenians are
there to serve the church may play well at the seminaries but that is not an
operative concept for most Americans. A church needs to serve the needs of
individuals.
The Diocese a few years ago adopted a statement of intent that it is
significant in the life of every Armenian living in its geographic
jurisdiction. But many people do not take this statement seriously, because
the church has generally not been effective in achieving this goal. Some
have noted that less than two percent of Armenians living in the diocese
area are parish members.
We have some outstanding clergy, who have made important contributions in
many people's lives. But too few. We have many laymen who are talented and
of outstanding character, who donate tremendous amounts of time and
resources to heroically serve through the church. They need to be given
more authority and visibility.
But when the church leadership does not articulate a true vision or
demonstrate an ability to meet people's needs, people leave. They may go to
other churches, embrace false religions or become atheists or agnostics.
We have some fine seminarians here and new priests. However, a concern is
the diocese's inability to attract more clergy from among us. Some
impediments need to be removed.
I think that these are among the primary challenges facing the church in
the U.S.
Pastoral work is a key part of a growing church. Armenian-Americans live
in a society that presents a lot of stress and problems, and it would be
good for our leaders to provide or delegate to laymen to effectively counsel
and encourage.
America is a Western country, a verbal country. People who profess
Christianity here are challenged to justify their beliefs, to explain how
Christianity impacts on their work, on their family life. To be meaningful
our clergy and lay leaders have to provide thoughtful answers how to relate
Christ to everyday life. There are too many people in too many parishes
saying this is not happening.
Another issue involves inspiring trust and confidence in the Church
leadership. Over the years, there have been too many instances, for
example, of the Diocesan Assembly voting to take an action which the Diocese
leadership does not implement, or voting against an action which the Diocese
leadership takes anyway.
Information provided to delegates about significant issues has at times
been inaccurately communicated or has omitted important facts necessary to
correctly understand the issue. Too many talented and successful laymen
have left the Church in frustration because their good ideas or constructive
criticisms were ignored or not seriously considered by leadership. Changing
these types of behaviors would engage more people and improve the vitality
of the church.
Reporter: Are these cross-denominational issues in U.S. or are the
challenges you describe peculiar to the Armenian Church as a more
conservative institution?
Shahinian: In every area there are churches that are dying, and there are
churches that are growing. It is not the case that all Christian churches
are losing people or are deemed irrelevant. Having said that, if the
Armenian Church leadership cared more about its people in ways that meet
their needs, we would have a lot of people coming in -- it is not like the
market is saturated.
And there are enough churches that are doing this, so many Armenians leave
and go to those.
Reporter: The fastest growing churches are the new protestant churches,
what do you think attracts people there?
Shahinian: Part of the attraction is sermons that reflect an
understanding of current the American culture and specifically suggest ways
to faithfully address life's challenges as a Christian.
The sermons are well-prepared and easy to understand. They are not overly
sentimentalized. People learn things that they can use in their everyday
lives.
Another attraction is their contemporary music. Their songs often are easy
to sing and remember, and teach the faith.
In the Armenian Church we have a beautiful service, but some people have
mistaken the form and language for substance of the faith for. Seems to me
if you want people in your parish to learn about God or worship Him, you
want to do it in a way they can understand. And why not at least have a
service in modern Armenian so that some people can understand, instead of
classical Armenian, which virtually no layman understands.
Reporter: Do you think there is a general fear of change? Perhaps related
to fears of a schism?
Shahinian: Well, I am not advocating any change in theology, which you
have, for example, with Episcopalians. Our theology is great.
What I would like to see happen is to improve the clarity and
effectiveness of how our theology and faith are communicated.
And we are fortunate to have a church theology that has remained faithful
to God. We have many qualities, like hospitality and informality, and a
rich cultural heritage of Christian faith, on which we can build. And we
have the good will of many wonderful parishioners who are working hard to
provide vision and leadership in order for the community to be faithful to
God and helpful to each other. With God, we have great potential.
* * *
DEAN V. SHAHINIAN
* Awards from Armenian Organizations
St. Nersess Shnorhali Medal with a Pontifical Encyclical by His Holiness
Catholicos Karekin II (2002)
Rev. Haroutune Dagley Award "to a layperson who has supported the youth of
the church" by the Armenian Church Youth Organization of America, 2004.
St. Mary Armenian Church "Pastor's Appreciation Award" (1994)
St. Mary "ACYOA Distinguished Alumnus Award" (1997)
Armenian Students Association Haig G. Sarafian Award for Outstanding
Citizenship (1983)
* Service to Armenian Church
Delegate, National Ecclesiastical Assembly in Armenia to elect Catholicos --
1995 and 1999.
Arranged for His Holiness Karekin II to open the United States Senate in
prayer, 2001.
Served on Diocesan Council and member of Diocesan Council Executive
Committee.
Served on Diocesan Audit Committee.
Member, Diocesan Assembly. Several years. [Introduced proposals which
the Assembly adopted to disclose the purposes of Restricted Funds in the
donor's words and report disbursements made from Restricted Funds, require
two signatures for large disbursements of Restricted Funds, reinstate two
positions in Youth Ministry and Religious Education, fund an ACYOA Executive
Director, and to provide time to hear from representatives of the ACYOA,
Women's Guild Central Committee, and Choir Association, among others]
Created and chaired panels and vignettes on church management "Youth
Involvement in the Parish" at Diocesan Assemblies
Chaired Symposium "What Will Be the Future of the Armenian Church in
America?" sponsored by The Ararat Foundation on September 28, 1996 at the
University of Pennsylvania.
Taught in Diocesan Department of Religious Education Mardigian Institute.
Created and chaired "Insights" seminars presented by clergy and laypeople
on contemporary topics presented during ACYOA Sports Weekend. Addressed
ACYOA General Assemblies. Several years.
Gave talks on Church mission, Christian faith, and Armenian culture at the
invitation of many Armenian Church parishes.
Diocesan Delegate representing St. Mary Armenian Church to the Diocesan
Assemblies and at Diocesan events.
Presented spiritual messages on Palm Sundays and other occasions to the
congregation.
Taught adult discussion groups on Christian faith and taught Sunday School
classes for teenagers.
Chair of "Armenian Life" monthly cultural lecture series for ten years.
Emceed numerous banquets and events.
Board of Trustees, St. Nersess Armenian Seminary.
Lectured at St. Nersess Armenian Seminary symposium and Summer Studies
Programs.
* Community Christian Activities
National Prayer Breakfasts, Washington -- Team Leader of Ushers
Past Board Member, Christian Conciliation Service of Washington DC.
* Other Armenian Community Activity
Presented attorneys who are members of the Armenian Bar Association to the
United States Supreme Court for admission to the Supreme Court Bar on three
occasions.
Chair, Haig Sarafian Award Committee, Armenian Students Association --
1995-2000.
Founding Member, Alexandria-Gyumri Sister City Committee, 1990-present.
*********************************** ****************************************
6. Two centuries after his death, Sayat Nova, the "King of Songs," still
holds court in Tbilisi
by Talin Suciyan
TBILISI, Georgia -- It only took five minutes for us to decide to travel to
Tbilisi. A friend of ours had mentioned that on the last Sunday in May the
city was planning to hold a commemorative celebration of Sayat Nova. Tblisi
was the hometown of the great Armenian troubadour, and a group of artists
would be going there to honor Sayat Nova and take part in the scheduled
concerts.
My friend Meri and I quickly changed our weekend plans and got in touch
with the Armenian State Conservatory artists who were traveling to Tbilisi.
They kindly let us tag along with them in their minibus.
The trip from Yerevan to Tbilisi is a six-hour journey by car. Of course,
if you're passing through national borders, you'd better expect the
unexpected. And so it was with us: To pass through the Armenian border took
us an entire hour -- only to leave us facing another two and a-half hours of
waiting on the Georgian side. The reason was simple, but insurmountable: a
power failure.
It was already evening when we reached Tbilisi. I had often heard that
Tbilisi was a lovely city, but to be honest I had not imagined such beauty.
Monasteries decorate the surrounding hills. Large wooden houses perch atop
the hills overlooking the Mktvari River which passes through the city.
European-style architecture makes you forget what part of the world you're
in.
The local Armenian community was on hand to welcome us when we arrived in
the city. We were in the Havlabar quarter, where Sayat Nova's mother came
from, and where he himself resided. Havlabar has been home to many Armenians
in the past, and it continues to do so to this day. The Armenian State
Theater is also resident in this quarter: a theater financed by the Georgian
government and in existence for more than 150 years now. Every season a
group of 40 Armenian artists stages five different plays.
* The puppeteer
As a surprise on our first night, our group was treated to a show that left
quite an impression on us, at Gari Davtyan's puppet theater.
Seeing it was a rare opportunity. Starting in the 1970s and continuing up
to his death in 2002, Davtyan had devoted himself to making puppets. He made
puppets without number, which his wife and children would bring to life. The
puppet theater was born in 1993, and the performances are free, conducted in
the old Tbilisi house in Havlabar where the family still lives.
Davtyan himself was a sculptor and engineer. His wife Janna is expert in
the complicated mechanisms and strings of his puppets. But her skill still
leaves one wondering how all those moving elements can work in concert
without becoming entangled. Indeed at one point, while Janna was showing us
Davtyan's very first puppet -- named Grisha -- something happened to its
string mechanism, and Janna's expression transformed into a look of
astonished dread. Watching Janna working to set the puppet back to normal,
I
couldn't help thinking about the slender threads that bind any of us to
life.
In the days when Davtyan used to ply his craft in his workshop, in the
same quarter bullets were practically flying over the heads of him and his
family. The incidents of April 9, 1989, which caused 20 deaths and hundreds
of injuries; the events of 1915; and the transformation that Davtyan's home
country underwent, have all left their impact on his work.
Watching the Davtyan family's puppet theater, Meri and I both found
ourselves reflecting on Parajanov. Sergei Parajanov had also lived in
Tbilisi, and was a near contemporary of Davtyan. The courageous filmmaker
seized a post-modern strand of art and faced censure time after time for his
trouble. Renowned for his films and collage works, Parajanov became one of
the most prominent Armenian artists of Tbilisi, whose most famous work, "The
Color of Pomegranates" (1968), is his impressionistic account of Sayat
Nova's life and work.
* Touring Tbilisi
The puppet show made us forget our fatigue. The next day, Sunday, we toured
the city before going to the celebration.
Tbilisi was one of the two great centers of Armenian intellectual life in
the 19th century. In the west there was Istanbul, but in the east it was
Tbilisi -- with its great density of Armenian citizens. Hovhannes Toumanian,
Gabriel Sundukian, Raffi -- Tbilisi played host to them all, and to numerous
other Armenian writers and artists. The three mentioned above lie buried in
Tbilisi's "Pantheon" -- a graveyard in the quarter called Khochevank. It was
once a major Armenian cemetery, but the land was nationalized during the
Soviet period, and 10 years ago it was seized to build a new Georgian
cathedral. A small parcel of the land was given over to the Armenians, and
that remnant constitutes the Pantheon today.
But let's leave the subjects of the Georgian-Armenian community and
Georgia's attitude towards its minorities for another occasion.
On our way to the Sayat Nova festival, we pass through the city's Yerevan
Square en route to the nearby Armenian Church, Sourp Krikor Lousavorich. In
the past, the festival took place in the city center, with hundreds of
thousands of people. But in recent years, the celebration has been squeezed
into the garden of the church.
The occasion itself was first appointed by Hovhannes Toumanyan in 1914 to
honor the greatest gusan of the 18th century -- born Harutyun Sayatyan, in
1712. Around 220 songs can be confidently attributed to him, but his total
output probably ranged in the thousands. Such is their lyric beauty that
they are still sung, and loved, to this day; and his artistic name, Sayat
Nova, or "King of Songs," testifies to his place in the regional culture. He
died in Haghpat, in 1795 -- killed by the army of Agha Mohammed Khan.
Sayat Nova produced many poems and folk songs in Turkish and Georgian, as
well as Armenian. He has been the subject of much academic work and numerous
books. Henrik Bakhchinyan, who has studied Sayat Nova's work and is the head
of State Museum of Art and Literature in Yerevan, says that Sayat Nova wrote
70 pieces in Armenian, around 30 in Georgian and more than 100 in Turkish.
According to Bakhchinyan, the Turkish pieces are more numerous because the
bardic tradition was very developed in that language.
Even so, Sayat Nova's acknowledged masterpieces are in Armenian.
Since Sayat Nova wrote poems in Georgian too, he is well known among the
Georgians. A good contingent of them is present at the Tbilisi celebration.
The weather is hot, the sun is burning, and my friend and I are trying to
find the relief of a shady spot. But the crowd gathered in the church garden
endures hours of standing under the sun, enjoying the songs of Sayat Nova,
and dancing to his tunes more than two centuries after his death.
Listening to the songs of Sayat Nova in that setting, I come to realize
how important it is to have a choir bearing his name in existence in my
native Istanbul. Just to be associated with this name carries a legacy which
reaches back through the generations -- and holds the promise of acquainting
further generations with Sayat Nova's miraculous life's work.
With the festival concluded, our group of artists starts their journey
back to Yerevan; but Meri and I stay in Tbilisi for two days more. Rambling
about the city on our own, we feel Sayat Nova close at hand, as if his
spirit refuses to leave us alone. In an abstracted moment, Meri starts
singing "Kamancha." Without even being conscious of it, I find myself
answering, "...chga kjezi nman..."
*********************************** ****************************************
7. "Vision + Visitors =3D Success": A seminar provides Armenia's museums with
self-improvement tools
* Planting seeds for visitor satisfaction in museums
by Betty Panossian-Ter Sargssian
YEREVAN -- Think of visitors first, and of their experiences in museums,
without compromising your aesthetic values. That is the message around 35
participants in the seminar titled, "Vision + Visitors =3D Success," took back
with them to their museums.
It was a four-day seminar held here May 29 through June 1, organized by
the Cafesjian Museum Foundation, in partnership with the Fund for Arts and
Culture. Participants coming from various museums and cultural organizations
were guided through various case studies and interactive exercises. They
acquired skills in developing visitor-driven programs and insight into how
to meet visitor expectations, in particular within the sphere of cultural
tourism. All these were linked to success in obtaining additional financial
support for the museums and their programs.
The seminar, conducted in English with Armenian interpretation, was led by
Sally Yerkovich, president of the Fund for Arts and Culture in Central and
Eastern Europe, and Lyndel King, director and chief curator at the Weisman
Art Museum of the University of Minnesota.
"This was an interesting seminar because Lyndel King, who had come to
Armenia a few years ago in order to study the Cafesjian Museum project,
visited museums in Armenia. We joined her in her visits and noticed that
although the Armenian museums showcased many valuable arts and culture
objects, they encountered many problems related to visitor service," says
Madlene Minassian, the PR and events director at the Cafesjian Museum
Foundation.
The idea of organizing such a seminar came up during those visits. "It
occurred to us that some of these problems will be readily solved if only we
organized a seminar for the museums in Armenia on the topic of visitor
relations," Ms. Minassian adds.
"Vision + visitors =3D Success" focused on things, mostly little things,
that make museums more appealing to visitors and attract them to their
collections. It also raised the issue of fundraising because, as the
professionals in the field say and visitors can notice at first glance, some
of the major problems Armenia's museums face are related to finances and
extra funds for museum programs.
This was the first such seminar held in Armenia, and also the first such
experience for most of the participants. "Many have been working for years
in Armenian museums, and we thought that bringing the museum professionals
together will allow them to exchange notes," Ms. Minassian says.
While inviting the participants, the organizers asked the museums to send
their most dynamic and promising personnel, "those who are in direct contact
with visitors."
Through interactive work, the museum professionals became familiar with
the best practices from museums around the world. Participants also received
guidance about effective ways and tactics to reevaluate the mission of the
museum and to make sure the programs and the exhibitions reflect it. The
focus was on making museums in Armenia look successful, well organized, be
visitor-centered.
"I think Armenian museums have great potential," Ms. King says. She adds
that the notion of visitor-centered museums is a relatively new idea in
American and European museums, which have been changing over the past ten
years. Museums traditionally have thought of their collections and not much
about the experience of the visitor, she said.
"There is no one solution that is going to help every museum, so what we
do is help share the different ways that people have solved the same
problem," Ms. Yerkovich says.
Equipped with a problem-solving toolkit presented by this seminar, the
museum professionals in Armenia are encouraged to make their own decisions
about their museums. "What we propose may not be exactly right, but we hope
it might stimulate people to think about ways to solve the problems that
they see," Ms. King said.
The seminar was conducted in a very interactive way. During the sessions
the participants engaged in dialogues, made comments, expressed what they
thought of what was being presented, asked questions, and raised issues that
bothered them most. The sessions were dotted with many interactive
exercises, where the participants were asked to work on imaginary museums,
to pinpoint problems, and propose appropriate solutions. "We designed our
seminar not just to present our information, but to get the people in the
seminar working together," Ms. Yerkovich said.
* On a tight budget
What can museums in Armenia do with their limited means to improve their
services?
"They have to justify their priorities and use their resources in the most
effective way they can. Our institutions don't have a lot of money, either,
but we have decided that we want our institutions to be more friendly and
acceptable to the visitor. And we all worked on ways of doing that without
having much money," Ms. Yerkovich notes.
The seminar emphasized things that can make the experience of the visitors
more pleasant. These are not expensive items; they are simple things based
on the idea of thinking about the visitor's experience. Simple, inexpensive
things make a lot of difference.
The presenters argued also that an attractive, visitor-friendly museum may
have an easier time raising funds. "Bringing visitors back to your museum is
very important to raise money, because donors like to support those museums
that people like," Ms. King argued.
More than explaining or dictating ways to make museums in Armenia a better
place, "Vision + Visitors =3D Success" sought to make an impact on the mindset
of what a museum should be in Armenia: a place for cultural entertainment
and expedition, rather than shelves of valuable objects.
"It was very interesting to share the experience of the guest speakers and
induce it in the Armenian reality," says Davit Poghossian of the Service for
the Protection of Historical Environment and Cultural Museum Reservations.
"I think that the structural differences between the American and the
Armenian museums are obvious. For such projects one should definitely take
into consideration the legislative and other conditions in Armenia. Anyhow,
the practice represented was interesting in more that one sense."
Anahit Minassian, the PR director of the National Gallery of Armenia, also
considered the seminar very helpful. "Through it we got acquainted with the
practice of museums in Western countries and will be inspired in finding our
own solutions based on what we were given during the seminar," she said.
It was said during the seminar that people working in museums are usually
very creative people. Even with limited means they may be able to cultivate
the seeds for change planted during the seminar, and we may witness some
positive changes in Armenia's museums in the not-too-distant future.
***************************************** **********************************
8. Armen Gevorgian appointed NSC secretary
President Robert Kocharian has appointed his trusted aide Armen Gevorgian
secretary of the National Security Council. The vacancy was created when the
incumbent, Serge Sargsian, became prime minister. (Sargsian was also
minister of defense.)
Mr. Gevorgian joined the staff of then-Prime Minister Kocharian in 1997.
He was Mr. Kocharian's First Assistant until last spring, when he was
appointed the president's chief of staff.
- A.H.
******************************************** *******************************
9. Commentary: What will happen when Armenia meets Azerbaijan in the field
of . . . soccer?
* A reminiscence of Edward K. Boghosian
by Edward Shnorhokian
This article is dedicated to the memory of Mr. Edward Boghosian, the late
founder and editor of the "Armenian Reporter." I met him in September 1997,
when the "Armenian Reporter" organized a trip to Armenia, which included a
one-day sightseeing tour of Moscow.
Although it was my third trip to our homeland, there was a different
feeling for me, because it was the first time I would be visiting an
independent Armenia.
My actual first trips was in July 1973, to attend a soccer match between
"Ararat Yerevan" and their foe "Dynamo Tbilisi" of Georgia, in a USSR
championship match, in which our heroes won a crushing victory by the score
of 3 to 0.
My second trip was in October 1973, when "Ararat" reached the finals of
the "USSR Cup," facing its arch-rival "Dynamo Kiev" of the Ukraine in
Moscow's stadium. After a fierce battle, our heroes claimed the cup by
defeating their rivals by the score 2 to 1. In overtime, our hero Levon
Ishtoyan scored the two goals for his team.
In 1997, having boarded a Russian "Aeroflot" plane with about 30 people in
our group at New York's J.F.K. airport, we landed after a nearly nine-hour
flight at Moscow's International airport at about 9 a.m. local time. After
40 minutes of checking our luggage through customs, a bus was waiting for us
to take us sightseeing in Moscow's historic locations.
At 6:00 p.m., the bus took us to an airport for domestic flights, where we
saw Armenia's national airline "Armavia" waiting to fly us to our homeland.
What a joy it was to fly with the tricolor red, blue, and orange on our
plane.
After a three-hour flight the announcer said we would soon be landing, and
you could see the excitement on the faces of our group, specially those who
were flying to their homeland for the first time. After landing at Zvartnotz
International Airport and spending another 40 minutes checking luggage, a
bus waiting outside took us to the Armenia Hotel, one of the best hotels in
Yerevan. We spent 12 wonderful days in the country, visiting the historic
sites like Dzidzernagapert, Khor Virab, Etchmiadzin, Lake Sevan, Garni, and
Keghart. We even watched from our balconies the celebration of the
anniversary of Armenia's independence, featuring the army, local
celebrities, and all kinds of festivities.
We returned with many tender memories, though we only had opportunity for
the shortest conversations with the natives.
In any case, those were the circumstances under which I met Mr. Boghosian.
Several years later, in April 2001, I went to Times Square to attend the
commemoration of the Armenian Genocide. I arrived a little earlier than the
scheduled 2:00 start in order to find a seat, and when I noticed Mr.
Boghosian sitting in the second row, I went to sit nearby. After discussing
several topics about Armenia, I asked him, "How come there's no sports news
reported in your paper?"
He told me, "Mr. Shnorhokian, if anybody would send us any sports news, we
would gladly publish it, as long as only Armenian athletes were involved."
I never took him up on the offer; but lately, thinking about his passing
a
year ago, and with a pressing sports story on my mind, I thought I would
offer the following as a tribute to the man, and what this paper has meant
to me and so many other Armenians.
***
The European qualifying matches in soccer started on August 6, 2006 and will
end in November 2007. This event takes place every four years, like the
World Cup.
In this tournament, 50 European teams, including three teams from
countries in the Caucasus -- Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia -- are
participating in a round-robin format games.
These countries are divided into seven groups, and the seven group-winners
and seven runners-up will join the two host teams (this year Austria and
Switzerland) in the final tournament in June 2008.
Armenia is in group "A," which includes Azerbajian, Belgium, Finland,
Kazakstan, Portugal, Poland, and Serbia. In such a field of competition,
neither Armenia nor Azerbaijan would be thought to have much of a chance to
qualify for the finals -- although Armenia's stunning upset of Poland last
week showed that predictions are not always accurate.
My concern, however, is this: What's going to happen if these two teams
meet in Baku on September 8, 2007? I am afraid that the Azerbaijani players,
the mobs, and even the police, will stoop to perform every irregularity --
kicking, pushing, punching, inflicting physical injuries on their opponents,
even threatening the referees -- to take revenge of their loss in the
Karabakh war. I am also afraid that very few Armenian supporters would make
trip to Baku.
I'm sure that the Armenian soccer federation will make a formal request to
the governing body of FIFA -- the 100-year-old Fédération Internationale de
Football Association, in Switzerland -- FIFA's governing body to ensure the
safety of its delegation.
Let's not forget the behavior of Azerbaijan's "cousin" Turkey in 2005,
when it failed to qualify for the finals of the 2006 World Cup, losing to
Switzerland in a play-off match. In the first leg of competition played in
Switzerland, the home team won 2-0; in the return match in Turkey, the
Turkish team won by the score of 4-2; but in accordance with the tournament
rules, Switzerland won the right to advance to the next round (the total
goals scored in both games were added up, making it a 4-4 tie; but
Switzerland's goals were given added weight because they were scored in an
away game).
A reporter for "World Cup Soccer" magazine witnessed what happened to the
Swiss players as they left the field in Turkey after the match: not only
were they attacked by the Turkish players, but the mob of spectators and
even Turkey's assistant coach joined the free-for-all. One Swiss player was
hospitalized with serious injuries. Turkish police were criticized for
ignoring what was going on. Earlier, when the Swiss team had first arrived
in Turkey, they were delayed for hours in the airport and had to endure
threats from another mob, though this time the police prevented any physical
injuries from being meted out.
In a FIFA decision over the post-game violence, it was ruled that
Turkey's next six international home-field matches on Turkey's would have
to be played on "neutral" territory outside of Turkey -- at least 500
kilometer away from the Turkish border -- a punishment clearly directed at
the team and its fans alike, and perhaps also at the society which would
tolerate such things.
(By contrast, one player and a medic for the Swiss team received
multi-game bans and had to pay fines.)
As it stands now, Armenia and Azerbaijan are slated to meet on
Azerbaijan's home field on September 8, and then in Armenia four days later.
The thing is that the Azeris have so far refused to host the Armenian team
in Baku. This is part of their policy not to allow any ethnic Armenians into
the country. They also don't want their team to go to Yerevan, and insist
that both matches be played in a third country.
The Armenian side, however, says that it is ready both to host the Azeris
and to go to Baku. Negotiations through UEFA (Union of European Football
Associations) are underway to determine where the games would be played, and
should be concluded within weeks. Even if a decision is made to play in
Azerbaijan, most likely the game will be without spectators and under tight
security.
Even so, if the match does go forward as planned, let's just hope that
there's no repetition of history -- soccer or otherwise -- on game day in
Baku.
* * *
Mr. Shnorhokian lives in New York.
******************************************* ********************************
10. Commentary: "Secular" does not mean "democratic"
by Moorad Mooradian
Numerous major newspapers in the U.S., particularly those that want to keep
their reporters parked in Ankara, constantly employ the descriptive term
"secular" -- meaning non-religious -- in their introductions to the
government of Turkey. At least since September 11, 2001, what "secular" has
come to mean is a government that is acceptable to the U.S., in that it is
not led by radical Islamists of the al Qaeda, bin Laden variety.
Unfortunately, some folks assume that "secular" also means "democratic."
But a look at the happenings in Turkey shows that the word "secular" as
practiced in that land, and democracy as understood and valued in the West,
are worlds apart.
For instance, recently the head of Turkey's highest court declared that he
would ask the country's leading prosecutor to file criminal charges against
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. And what had the Islamist head of state
Erdogan done? He had dared to criticize Turkey's Constitutional Court.
Erdogan had said that it was a disgrace to the system of justice in Turkey
that the Constitutional Court had canceled a presidential vote earlier in
May.
The entire world now knows that it is a crime in "democratic" Turkey to
insult or criticize state institutions. It is very difficult to isolate
exactly what type of criticism is considered an insult -- but that is
precisely how the powers that be want the laws to be. A vague definition
allows those powers to maintain great leeway in interpreting laws as they
see fit.
And if the courts, prosecutors, or other officials do not take action,
Turkish nationalists will. The world witnessed such action in the murder of
Hrant Dink, who did not insult Turkey or denigrate "Turkishness," whatever
that is.
In fact, the Turkish military moved some tanks around in the streets when
Erdogan hinted that he would run for president. After the tanks made an
impact by rumbling through the city, Erdogan backed down and Abdullah Gul,
Erdogan's surrogate Foreign Minister, stepped into the breach. This indeed
was democracy in action: an example that the U.S. wants other countries in
the region to emulate.
Then of course, there is the matter of the Kurds in northern and central
Iraq. I have been writing for months that Turkey has its sights on northern
and central Iraq. It is using the supposed plight of Turkmen (Turkey's
"cousins" -- like the Azeris) in the region and the control of the area by
Kurds as an excuse to move in with its military. But the real reason, in my
judgment, is that the cities of Mosul and Kirkuk have oceans of oil beneath
their surfaces. Keep in mind that this area used to be an integral part of
the Ottoman Empire, and Ankara would like nothing better than to again
control the region and reap the benefits of the cash that would roll in from
the sale of oil. The control of oil would make Turkey even more inviting to
the European Union. So, as is typical of Turkey, it has amassed tanks and
troops on its border with Iraq.
Make no mistake about it: the Turkish government does have a serious
problem with dissatisfied ethnic Kurds, some of whom may be the terrorist
PKK. But it is asinine to attribute every explosion in Turkey to terrorist
activity by the PKK. Turkey's military destroyed thousands of Kurdish
villages in Anatolia simply because they were Kurdish, though there may have
been PKK members among them.
Tom Casey, a State Department spokesman, recently declared that the U.S.
wants to "continue working with Turkey to confront the challenges that are
posed by PKK terrorism." But by kow-towing to Turkey and agreeing that the
Kurds in Iraq are PKK, the U.S. State Department would undermine its own
cause of keeping Turkey out of Iraq.
That is, assuming that the U.S. government wants to keep Turkey out, and
is not using Iraq as a "bargaining chip" to keep Turkey "friendly."
Iraq's Kurdish president, Jalal Talabani, visited the U.S. in May.
Television carried his meeting with President Bush. Mr. Talabani told ABC-TV
that Iraqi leaders had convinced the Iraq-based "militants" to stop their
attacks, "and they did it." In the event that the U.S. forces in Iraq take
action against the Kurds, they risk getting into another war before the
ongoing violent conflict is settled. The U.S. should not overlook that the
Iraqi Kurds are the most pro-American group in the region. They know the
region as though they designed it. It would be foolish to create an anti-U.S.
group out of one that is friendly.
Erdogan stated quite plainly what he wants: "Our expectation from the
United States is to scatter and destroy the bases of the terrorist
organization in northern Iraq." Turkey's Prime Minister wants the Kurds to
be either turned over to Turkey or sent elsewhere. Erdogan said that troop
movements to the border are "to achieve results. Our patience has run out.
The necessary steps will be taken when needed."
The Kurds have promised to fight the Turks if they should cross the
border. Turkey's military, always eager to show its mettle on the
battlefield as the heirs of Attila the Hun, are set to move. They want to
establish a "buffer zone" across the frontier, just as Turks have done in
the past. What this means, of course, is that Turkish troops would have to
monitor the buffer zone for compliance, and one would hardly be shocked were
they to establish military bases in northern Iraq.
And who would stop them? The U.S.? Isn't a secular, "democratic" Turkey
just great for U.S. interests?
************************************** *************************************
11. Commentary: Time works against those who waste it
* The greatest threat against Karabakh is demographic
by Tatul Hakobyan
YEREVAN -- The June 9 meeting of the presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan in
Saint Petersburg did not bring about a breakthrough in the resolution of the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Presidents Robert Kocharian and Ilham Aliyev met
in private for three hours. For another hour, they were joined by Foreign
Ministers Vartan Oskanian and Elmar Mamedyarov and OSCE Minsk Group
co-chairs Matthew Bryza (U.S.), Yuri Merzlyakov (Russia), and Bernard
Fassier (France).
The presidents did not make any public announcements after the meeting.
The foreign ministers told reporters that disagreements continued over
certain matters of principle -- the final status of Karabakh foremost among
them. In nine months, Mr. Kocharian will no longer be president, and it is
quite possible that this meeting will turn out to be his last with Mr.
Aliyev.
On the eve of the Saint Petersburg meeting, the president of
Nagorno-Karabakh, Arkady Ghoukassian, had announced that the primary and
principal issue in the negotiations is the question of the final status of
Karabakh. "If there is no agreement around the final status, then it is
meaningless to examine all the other questions. There is an alternative:
resolve nothing. That is a solution too. By resolving nothing, resolve the
question. Some people are of the opinion that events must develop in that
way."
Thirteen years have elapsed since the establishment of a ceasefire on the
front. Since the internationalization of the Karabakh issue with the
collapse of the Soviet Union, mediators have visited dozens of times;
presidents and foreign ministers have conducted scores of negotiations. Mr.
Kocharian alone met 25 times with the late President Heydar Aliyev of
Azerbaijan (twice in 1993 when Mr. Kocharian was the chairperson of State
Defense Committee of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic) and nine times with the
younger Mr. Aliyev. Notwithstanding numerous optimistic announcements, no
document has been signed to this day. The only signed document is the
trilateral ceasefire agreement signed in Moscow on May 12, 1994.
Suren Zolian, who was a member of Armenia's Supreme Soviet from 1990 to
1995, participated in all of the early settlement talks, in Zheleznovodsk in
1991 and in Rome in 1992, five meetings in all. Today he insists that the
three sides to the conflict -- Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Karabakh -- have an
interest in playing for time, each having its own expectations.
"Azerbaijan's economy has started growing faster than the economies of
Armenia and Karabakh. Azerbaijan has the opportunity to convert economic
progress into military progress, and is not ready for negotiations and
concessions, hoping that time will work to its advantage. Meanwhile, in
Armenia and Karabakh there is awareness that certain historical realities
are becoming irreversible. A generation has come of age in Karabakh that
cannot imagine its future inside Azerbaijan, or why Karabakh should cede its
de facto independence. What's important with the passage of time is
democratization and social justice. If Karabakh is more democratic than
Azerbaijan, then it's difficult to put a democratic entity into a
nondemocratic one," Mr. Zolian said.
Maintaining the status quo, Mr. Zolian says, is a solution. "I don't see
that any one of the three sides is ready for a change in the status quo.
Time is not automatically working in anyone's favor. The side that does not
use its resources is the side that will be defeated," he added.
Indeed, in democracy, in defending human rights, and in the rule of law,
Armenia and the unrecognized Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh are several steps
ahead of Azerbaijan. But this cannot be considered a great victory, because
the international community continues to see Armenia and Azerbaijan in the
same light. Moreover, why should Armenia and Karabakh, with their long
traditions of enlightenment, compare themselves with the authoritarian
oriental dictatorship that is Azerbaijan?
After the last parliamentary elections, Armenia's international image
improved. It is especially important for the upcoming presidential election
in Karabakh to be free of fraud. The international community will not
recognize the election results, but they remain very significant. What a
blow it will be if unrecognized Karabakh has an illegitimate head of state.
Continued progress in democracy, respect for human rights, and the rule of
law can allow the two Armenian states to become an oasis of democracy in the
Caucasus-Caspian-Central Asia region. In the early 1990s, when Georgia and
Azerbaijan were experiencing permanent upheaval and changes of government,
and in central Asia the Turkmenbashis and Karimovs were consolidating their
rule, Armenia was seen as an oasis of stability and democracy.
Economically, oil-rich Azerbaijan can surpass stone-rich Armenia and
Mountainous Karabakh. But with a lessening of corruption, the establishment
of fair competition, and a serious struggle against clannishness, the
Armenian states can become more attractive countries economically than they
are today.
Militarily, Azerbaijan has the possibility of surpassing Armenia and
Karabakh, but that will not be sufficient to start, much less win, a new
war. In the 1991-94 war, Azerbaijan enjoyed advantages over Armenia and
Karabakh in terms of population, military hardware, and finances, in spite
of which it suffered a crushing defeat. Being well-armed is no guarantee of
victory in war.
Armenia and Karabakh are clearly at a demographic disadvantage to
Azerbaijan. The last 15-20 years have been a disaster for Armenians.
Whereas in 1988, the 4,400 sq km of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region
had 150 thousand Armenian residents, today, the 11,000 sq km of the Republic
of Nagorno-Karabakh has a population of 137 thousand, according to official
figures. In reality the number may be as low as 100 thousand. Never in the
past 80 years have there been so few Armenians in Karabakh as there are
today.
Kiro Manoyan is head of the ARF Hay Tahd and political affairs office in
Armenia. "If time is simply going to elapse, and we are going to do nothing,
then clearly, it will not work to our advantage. We have not used the last
few years as we should have. From today, starting with the last meeting of
the presidents, when it became clear that there will be no quick resolution
of the Karabakh conflict, we must initiate a serious repopulation program,"
Mr. Manoyan says.
Hrant Bagratian was Armenia's prime minister from 1993 to 1996. Those are
the years that saw the greatest repopulation of Karabakh, about 10,000
people. He insists that over the last 10 years, Armenians have been
defeated.
"The only factor that we can create is repopulation. We bring half a
million or one million people and say that this is a living, vibrant
society," Mr. Bagratian says. "When people are living on the land, you say
this is not just a political issue but a humanitarian one. Today we must let
the world know that we need breathing and living space."
Emigration from Armenia and Karabakh today is no longer a serious threat,
as it was until recently. But there is a new tendency to move from the
regions to Yerevan. Karabakh is no exception. Those Artsakh-Armenians who
can, buy apartments in Yerevan and nearby suburbs. The reverse, a return to
ancestral homes, is not happening. Of the 30 thousand Armenians driven from
Martakert in 1992-93, very few have gone home.
The unresolved state of the Karabakh conflict, as international
institutions maintain, is the greatest obstacle to the integration and
development of the countries of the Caucasus. In this broad sense, time
works against everyone. The sums that Armenia, Karabakh, and Azerbaijan
spend for military purposes can be spent for better purposes if the conflict
is resolved. For Azerbaijan, the resolution of the conflict can mean the
return of some areas under control of Karabakh's forces, and therefore the
return of refugees.
For the Armenian side, the frozen state of the Karabakh conflict means
closed borders, continual military threats from Turkey and Azerbaijan, and
isolation from regional development programs. In Armenia and the diaspora
there is a view that the closing of borders by Turkey is not detrimental but
advantageous to Armenia's economy. This, of course, is another topic. But if
closed borders really emanate from Armenian interests, then why is it Turkey
that keeps the borders closed?
* * *
* The 25 meetings of Robert Kocharian and Heydar Aliyev
1993 September 25. Moscow. Kocharian was chair of NKR's State Defense
Committee. Aliyev was Azerbaijan's acting president.
1993 October 9. Moscow. A week after Mr. Aliyev became president.
1998 April 28. Moscow. CIS Summit. Mr. Kocharian was president of Armenia.
1999 April 1. Moscow. CIS Summit.
1999 April 26. Washington. NATO 50th anniversary.
1999 July 16. Geneva. At the presidents' initiative.
1999 August 22. Geneva. At the presidents' initiative.
1999 September 11. Yalta. On the sidelines of a conference.
1999 October 11. On the Armenia-Nakhichevan border. At the presidents'
initiative.
1999 November 18. Istanbul. OSCE Summit.
2000 January 24. Moscow. CIS Summit.
2000 January 29. Davos. Economic Forum.
2000 June 20. Moscow. CIS Summit.
2000 August 18. Yalta. CIS Informal Summit.
2000 September 7. New York. United Nations General Assembly.
2000 November 30. Minsk. CIS Summit.
2001 January 26. Paris. On President Jacques Chirac's initiative.
2001 March 4-5. Paris. On Chirac's initiative.
2001 April 3-6. Key West, Fla. Proximity Talks, with the presidents in
separate rooms, negotiating through the mediators (OSCE Minsk Group
co-chairs).
2001 May 31. Minsk. CIS Summit.
2001 August 2. Sochi. CIS Informal Summit.
2001 November 30. Moscow. CIS Summit.
2002 August 14. On the Armenia-Nakhichevan border.
2002 October 6. Kishinev. CIS Summit.
2002 November 21. Prague. NATO Summit.
* The 9 meetings of Robert Kocharian and Ilham Aliyev
2003 December 11. Geneva. On the sidelines of a conference.
2004 April 28. Warsaw. European Economic Forum.
2004 September 14. Astana. CIS Summit.
2005 May 15. Warsaw. Council of Europe Summit.
2005 August 27. Kazan. CIS Summit.
2006 February 10-11. Paris and Rambouillet. On President Jacques Chirac's
initiative.
2006 June 4-5. Bucharest. On the sidelines of a Black Sea conference.
2006 November 28. Minsk. CIS Summit.
2007 June 9. Saint Petersburg. CIS Informal Summit.
***************************************** **********************************
12. Letters
* Contra "kef"
Sir:
The Turks have a saying in their language: "Ermeni yok, kef-im chok."
Loosely translated, it means that the speaker would be ecstatic if all the
Armenians were dead.
In other words, the Turkish word "kef" is part of what the 1915 Genocide
was about: the Turks massacred 1.5 million Armenians in part for the sheer
pleasure they derived from doing it.
Last week, I read in the "Armenian Weekly" that the ANCA, an organization
affiliated with the ARF, is sponsoring a so-called "Hye Kef Time" weekend on
Cape Cod.
I am writing to express my strenuous disapproval of the use of this term
in connection with the Cape Cod event. The above saying clearly indicates
that this term has a connotation that is diametrically opposed to everything
the ARF stands for, and everything the Armenian community is working to
achieve. Have we forgotten what the centuries of Turkish oppression
culminating in the forcible uprooting of our civilization was all about?
Why do we need to use this word to describe this event? The term "kef" is
totally inappropriate for Armenians and it should be expunged from our
usage. Why not call it "Hye Party Time" or "Armenian Dance Festival"
instead?
When I was an AYF member we signed contracts with Armenian bands
regularly, and we routinely insisted that no Turkish language be used. Some
of the bands were recalcitrant, but ultimately they understood that we had
the right to dictate the terms. This current development indicates an
appalling lack of forethought on the part of the planners of this event.
I hope it is not too late to correct this error, and that it can be done
without any delay.
Very truly yours,
Levon A. Saryan, Ph.D.
Greenfield, Wis.
* Just say "No" to a new nuclear power plant
Sir:
This letter is in response to your article, "Armenia reaffirms plans for a
new nuclear power plant" ("Reporter," June 2). I am writing as a concerned
member of the public, as an environmental scientist/engineer, and as an
Armenian-American. My hope is that every reader of this letter will actively
intervene on the issue of constructing a new nuclear power station in
Armenia.
President Kocharian has decided, without consulting public opinion or
considering the will of its citizens, that Armenia needs a new nuclear power
station. Yes, Armenia needs new sources of energy. However, the old nuclear
power station can be replaced by a thermal power station based on gas -- a
much less expensive and much safer alternative. Since both gas and nuclear
fuel have to be imported (Armenia produces neither domestically), there
would be little advantage in building a nuclear plant from the point of view
of making Armenia energy independent. In fact, it would be more dangerous to
transport nuclear fuel over long distances than to transport gas.
Consider the risks of building a nuclear power station: (a) It would be
built in an earthquake zone, possibly without the technology to make the
plant's foundation earthquake-proof. (b) It would be built in a conflict
zone, constantly under threat of war, and susceptible to terrorist attacks.
(c) It would contribute to the radioactive contamination of the environment
as a result of its operation and also from its waste storage sites.
Apparently, Armenia has some uranium deposits, and there are people in the
governments of Armenia and Russia who have proposed to mine and to mill
uranium in there. Even then, however, uranium enrichment would be done
outside of Armenia -- hence Armenia would still have to import its nuclear
fuel, while bearing the risk of radioactive contamination from the mining
and the milling of uranium (see my commentary on this topic in the
"Reporter"'s May 19 edition).
Finally, Armenia should consider the advantages of developing alternative
sources of energy, such as wind. Old Soviet-era studies suggested that
Armenia could obtain up to one-third of its energy from wind power. Why not
invest in wind energy, instead of promoting the interests of the nuclear
industry at the expense of the public?
It is the public in Armenia which will be paying the high cost of
nuclear-derived electricity, in addition to the high cost of storing and
isolating nuclear waste. Armenia, being small in size, is running out of
space for the storage of its nuclear waste. And Armenia still lacks a
vigorous radiation-monitoring program; indeed the public in general remains
unaware of the levels and extent of radioactive contamination that already
exist in Armenia.
I hope every reader will write letters, make telephone calls, and do their
utmost so that the building of Armenia's new nuclear power plant will not
become a reality.
Very truly yours,
Anne Shirinian-Orlando
The writer is the U.S. coordinator for the Greens Union of Armenia,
headquartered in Yerevan. She holds a Ph.D. in Environmental Sciences from
Rutgers University.
* A fitting tribute to George Mgrdichian
Sir:
Thank you for the article (re-print) on George Mgrdichian in the June 9th
edition. It was a fitting, thoughtful and important tribute to a great
musician and a wonderful artistic spirit. I have had the good fortune of
hearing Mr. Mgrdichian perform live on a number of occasions and have
several of his recordings. His music captures you and connects you to deep,
soulful and ancient places. The recording "George Mgrdichian on Oud" is a
must-have for any music lover or Armenian home. For anyone who does not have
this CD, get it. You won't regret it.
Very truly yours,
Armen Mirakian
New York City
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13. Editorial: Turkey plays with fire in northern Iraq
Turkey's armed forces have been building up their presence along the border
with Iraq. The top generals are eager to cross the border into the
Kurdish-administered northeast of that war-torn country.
That is the one relatively calm region in Iraq today. Kurdish leaders
there cooperated with the U.S. armed forces and have since maintained
excellent relations with the United States. But Kurdistan spans Turkey and
Iran as well as Iraq, and Kurdish autonomy is seen as a threat by Turkey and
Iran. They worry that Iraqi Kurdistan will serve as a base for Kurdish
liberation movements in their countries.
On June 6, hundreds of Turkish soldiers crossed the border, allegedly in
hot pursuit of Kurdish guerrillas. They are said to have returned to Turkey
the same day. Meanwhile, the "New Anatolian" reports that the Iranian and
Turkish militaries are continuing to coordinate artillery shelling of
Kurdish refugees in Iraq.
Turkish and Iranian military activity in the one part of Iraq that is
relatively peaceful is the last thing the United States wants to see.
Failure to protect Iraqi Kurdistan would embarrass the United States and
undermine its alliance with Iraqi Kurds. The U.S. secretaries of defense and
state have repeatedly urged Turkey to stay out of Iraq. Last week,
Condoleezza Rice, the secretary of state, told The Associated Press, "a
robust move across the border" would benefit no one.
But even a less-than-robust move has the potential to have unforeseen
consequences.
The Turkish military's push for an invasion of Iraq is closely tied with
its broader struggle for continued dominance in Turkey. Threatening a coup,
it managed a few weeks ago to derail the election, by parliament, of the
ruling party's nominee for president. Now, the decision to send tens of
thousands of troops across the border -- as the generals want and as Turkey
has done three times since the early 1990s -- requires the approval of that
same parliament.
The leader of the ruling party, Prime Minister Erdogan, has opposed such
a
move. On June 12, he said, "Has the struggle against 5,000 terrorists inside
Turkey come to a close so that we can now start dealing with the 500 in
northern Iraq?"
But the Turkish military and ultranationalist circles will continue to put
pressure on Mr. Erdogan, and to use this matter to discredit him and his
party. Indeed, the military orchestrated antigovernment demonstrations last
week to protest what it considers a weak stance against terrorists.
The risk of a large regional conflagration -- on Armenia's borders -- is
very real. A Turkish invasion would be met bitterly by Iraqi Arabs as well
as Kurds. If Iran is not involved from the start, it is likely to be drawn
in quickly.
The warnings issued so far by U.S. officials have not been enough to stop
the Turkish military's saber-rattling; nor did they stop last week's
cross-border troop movement. The Turkish generals need to receive an
unequivocal message from their U.S. counterparts that northern Iraq is off
limits to them.
Turkey is adept at stressing its importance to the United States as an
ally. It is at a time like this that the alliance is tested.
***************************************** **********************************
14. Editorial: Signs of maturity
For far too long, many critics of the government in Armenia have resorted to
empty gestures instead of constructive engagement with the specific policies
and actions of the government. Some opposition politicians, having been
elected to parliament in 2003, promptly announced a boycott, and refused to
show up for work. No one and nothing is legitimate, they declared, so let's
not lend decisions credibility by participating in them, they said in
effect. Voters did not reelect any of the boycotters.
Two opposition parties elected on May 12 started off on the same wrong
foot. They refused to pick up their mandates and attend the opening session
of the National Assembly last week. It was a disappointing performance: the
Country of Laws and Heritage Parties had filed nomination papers with the
Central Electoral Commission; they had campaigned hard to gain people's
trust and votes; many tens of thousands of citizens had put their trust and
their hopes in one or the other of these two parties; and then, on the eve
of the opening session of parliament, the newly elected representatives had
refused to go back to the Central Electoral Commission to pick up their
mandates, and to show up for work the next day.
Fortunately, both groups have since had the wisdom to assume their
parliamentary responsibilities. There is now reason to hope that they will
help raise political discourse in Armenia to a constructive new level. That
was the faith with which many voters chose these parties, and that is
certainly our hope. The National Assembly must become a place where
ministers and functionaries can expect tough but fair questions and citizens
can expect official accountability.
By taking their oversight responsibilities seriously, members of
parliament will surely gain the trust of more people. This applies equally
to members of the governing parties. As people see the institutions of state
operate transparently and fairly, and important functionaries held
accountable for their actions, their faith in the state and its leaders will
grow.
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