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FIFTH CANDIDATE MAY THWART PLANS OF LOCAL POLITICAL FORCES AND GOVERNMENT
Davit Karabekyan
KarabakhOpen
Independent Center for Humanitarian and Political Studies
16-05-2007 14:23:41
May 5 was the last day of registration of the initiative groups
naming presidents. The CEC registered the initiative groups of five
candidates: Vania Avanesyan, professor at Artsakh State University,
Bako Sahakyan, head of the National Security Service, Hrant Melkumyan,
first secretary of the NKR Communist Party, the deputy foreign
minister Masis Mayilyan and Member of Parliament Armen Abgaryan,
businessman, former deputy minister of defense and commander of the
NKR Defense Army.
The initiative group naming Armen Abgaryan was registered May 4,
the last day of registration of initiative groups.
Armen Abgaryan's bid was a significant event. First, unlike the
other candidates, he runs a business and has immense for Karabakh
legal funds to spend on the election campaign. Others rely on the
government funding, businessmen who support them, or slush funds.
Finance and relative protection from pressure of the government and
the tax service is a significant factor in NKR.
Besides, pressure on a government official is one thing, pressure on
a member of parliament and the Yerkrapah Union of Veterans is another
thing. Hence, only the deputy foreign minister Masis Mayilyan and Armen
Abgaryan can be real opponents to Bako Sahakyan, who is supported by
the NKR government.
Armen Abgaryan used to be the deputy minister of defense for a long
time and in the years of the political confrontation of Samvel
Babayan and Arkady Ghukasyan he supported his commander. He is
also an eminent person, especially that in the post-war years the
army of Nagorno-Karabakh was more than an army; it was government,
customs service, police, etc. In those years the field commander was
as eminent as the prime minister or even the president.
After the nomination of Armen Abgaryan the arrangement of candidates
reflects the specter of forces and moods dominating in the Karabakh
society. If Bako Sahakyan, the preferable candidate of the government,
is for moderate reforms, Masis Mayilyan upholds the rule of law and
fundamental reforms, Armen Abgaryan is apparently an oppositionist,
who has non-standard thinking and can effectively resist for a long
time the administrative pressing.
As a supporter of Samvel Babayan, he did not testify against him
during the trial in 2000-2001 and unlike others he preferred business
to the post.
His victory in the parliamentary election is evidence to this. After
the victory of Edward Aghabekyan supported by the ARF Dashnaktsutyun -
Movement 88 alliance in the election to the mayor of Stepanakert his
victory was the second significant event. These victories shattered
the idea of almightiness of the government and their ability to
predetermine almost every political process.
Besides, Armen Abgaryan possesses all the features that are listed
among Bako Sahakyan's advantages. He is a military, a participant and
initiator of the Union of Veterans of the war in Artsakh, he is well
known in the capital and the country, he is a successful businessman,
he initiates aid to veterans, assistance to sport, etc.
The idea upheld by the official media that the government has already
worked out approaches and decided on the candidate of president,
and some nuances remain to agree upon, aroused concern.
Besides, the statement by the four parties on supporting the single
candidate also produced a negative effect. Of course, Mr. Sahakyan
is one of the most positive figures on the government Olympus and
has advantages over his colleagues in the security agencies and the
government officials. But why does the person who is believed to win
the election need the support of the forces which have diverse programs
and attitudes towards the government? Will a person benefit from the
support of a person who is accused by the procuracy of a number of
breaches (the mayor of Stepanakert Edward Aghabekyan), especially that
the board of the party he leads stated that he had not been authorized
to sign the statement on behalf of Movement 88? Besides, the subject
of their agreement - the principles - also arouses doubt. It is
difficult to even hypothetically assume that any of the candidates
would deny that the resolution of the Karabakh-Azerbaijani conflict,
anti-corruption efforts and social justice are not priorities, and
would uphold corruption, reject recognition of NKR and everything
that was included in those principles.
And if a few weeks ago Bako Sahakyan's victory seemed to be
indisputable, now it is obvious that there will be a runoff election. I
do not think there is anything terrible about it. The second round
will show if the government is able to solve the problems which were
too difficult for their successors - to battle corruption in the
system of education, especially that July and August is the time
of both the election and the entrance exams, solve the problems of
building, health care, etc. And the voters will decide if they may
expect anything new from the election. Finally, the second round may
help create a basis for a government which people trust.
Davit Karabekyan
KarabakhOpen
Independent Center for Humanitarian and Political Studies
16-05-2007 14:23:41
May 5 was the last day of registration of the initiative groups
naming presidents. The CEC registered the initiative groups of five
candidates: Vania Avanesyan, professor at Artsakh State University,
Bako Sahakyan, head of the National Security Service, Hrant Melkumyan,
first secretary of the NKR Communist Party, the deputy foreign
minister Masis Mayilyan and Member of Parliament Armen Abgaryan,
businessman, former deputy minister of defense and commander of the
NKR Defense Army.
The initiative group naming Armen Abgaryan was registered May 4,
the last day of registration of initiative groups.
Armen Abgaryan's bid was a significant event. First, unlike the
other candidates, he runs a business and has immense for Karabakh
legal funds to spend on the election campaign. Others rely on the
government funding, businessmen who support them, or slush funds.
Finance and relative protection from pressure of the government and
the tax service is a significant factor in NKR.
Besides, pressure on a government official is one thing, pressure on
a member of parliament and the Yerkrapah Union of Veterans is another
thing. Hence, only the deputy foreign minister Masis Mayilyan and Armen
Abgaryan can be real opponents to Bako Sahakyan, who is supported by
the NKR government.
Armen Abgaryan used to be the deputy minister of defense for a long
time and in the years of the political confrontation of Samvel
Babayan and Arkady Ghukasyan he supported his commander. He is
also an eminent person, especially that in the post-war years the
army of Nagorno-Karabakh was more than an army; it was government,
customs service, police, etc. In those years the field commander was
as eminent as the prime minister or even the president.
After the nomination of Armen Abgaryan the arrangement of candidates
reflects the specter of forces and moods dominating in the Karabakh
society. If Bako Sahakyan, the preferable candidate of the government,
is for moderate reforms, Masis Mayilyan upholds the rule of law and
fundamental reforms, Armen Abgaryan is apparently an oppositionist,
who has non-standard thinking and can effectively resist for a long
time the administrative pressing.
As a supporter of Samvel Babayan, he did not testify against him
during the trial in 2000-2001 and unlike others he preferred business
to the post.
His victory in the parliamentary election is evidence to this. After
the victory of Edward Aghabekyan supported by the ARF Dashnaktsutyun -
Movement 88 alliance in the election to the mayor of Stepanakert his
victory was the second significant event. These victories shattered
the idea of almightiness of the government and their ability to
predetermine almost every political process.
Besides, Armen Abgaryan possesses all the features that are listed
among Bako Sahakyan's advantages. He is a military, a participant and
initiator of the Union of Veterans of the war in Artsakh, he is well
known in the capital and the country, he is a successful businessman,
he initiates aid to veterans, assistance to sport, etc.
The idea upheld by the official media that the government has already
worked out approaches and decided on the candidate of president,
and some nuances remain to agree upon, aroused concern.
Besides, the statement by the four parties on supporting the single
candidate also produced a negative effect. Of course, Mr. Sahakyan
is one of the most positive figures on the government Olympus and
has advantages over his colleagues in the security agencies and the
government officials. But why does the person who is believed to win
the election need the support of the forces which have diverse programs
and attitudes towards the government? Will a person benefit from the
support of a person who is accused by the procuracy of a number of
breaches (the mayor of Stepanakert Edward Aghabekyan), especially that
the board of the party he leads stated that he had not been authorized
to sign the statement on behalf of Movement 88? Besides, the subject
of their agreement - the principles - also arouses doubt. It is
difficult to even hypothetically assume that any of the candidates
would deny that the resolution of the Karabakh-Azerbaijani conflict,
anti-corruption efforts and social justice are not priorities, and
would uphold corruption, reject recognition of NKR and everything
that was included in those principles.
And if a few weeks ago Bako Sahakyan's victory seemed to be
indisputable, now it is obvious that there will be a runoff election. I
do not think there is anything terrible about it. The second round
will show if the government is able to solve the problems which were
too difficult for their successors - to battle corruption in the
system of education, especially that July and August is the time
of both the election and the entrance exams, solve the problems of
building, health care, etc. And the voters will decide if they may
expect anything new from the election. Finally, the second round may
help create a basis for a government which people trust.