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The Unknown War Memorial - The Politics Of Remembrance

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  • The Unknown War Memorial - The Politics Of Remembrance

    THE UNKNOWN WAR MEMORIAL - THE POLITICS OF REMEMBRANCE
    By David Faber

    On Line opinion, Australia
    May 16 2007

    An unobtrusive war memorial stands at the heart of the well groomed
    Lundie Gardens at the western end of Adelaide's South Terrace.

    Generally not much attention is paid to this cenotaph. Nor does it
    seem to have been accorded military honours since the Armistice
    which brought to a close "the War to End all Wars". Certainly no
    ANZAC Day or Remembrance Day observances have been conducted before
    it in living memory.

    Yet a moment's attention to its three epigraphs immediately
    suggests that it is unique in the history of the Australian cult of
    commemoration of our war dead.

    The ledge of its abacus bears a dedication to "Australasian Soldiers"
    inclusive of our Kiwi brethren, and the moulding beneath dates the
    assault at ANZAC Cove in "the Dardanelles", the scene of the naval
    operations with which the Gallipoli landing was so imperfectly
    combined.

    Clearly, as Professor Inglis, historian of our national cult of
    commemoration of the fallen notes in his Sacred Places, this cenotaph
    was erected before references to Gallipoli and the expeditionary
    corps became ritualised. Indeed a plaque fixed to the pedestal of the
    obelisk records that it was "unveiled by his Excellency the Governor
    General Sir R. Munro Ferguson, Wattle Day Sept 7th 1915".

    The men were still clinging to their foothold on that faraway peninsula
    within cooee of Troy, mythical locus of the most classical traditions
    of our culture concerning the tragedy of war. The following day the
    Adelaide Register reported His Excellency as declaring that:

    "... this initiative had caused Adelaide to be the first city in
    the Commonwealth to erect a memorial to the landing of the troops on
    Gallipoli ..."

    The Wattle Day League, a "ladies auxiliary" in the language of
    the day, of the Australian Natives' Association (ANA) planned the
    cenotaph. Nativist nationalism was nonetheless British to the boot
    heels advocating Boy Conscription, military preparedness and the
    rights of property.

    Despite being scrupulously loyal to the monarchy, some conservative
    quarters suspected it of republicanism. The League was intended to
    promote the wattle as a national floral emblem, and it was historically
    successful. As recently as the last decade of last century the SA
    ALP distributed wattle seed as a symbol of nativist patriotism.

    Walter Torode, a well known master builder then active in the city
    [where he built the stock exchange among other edifices] and its
    southern park side suburbs was the designer and builder of this human
    scale monument standing about seven feet tall as it was originally
    designed.

    In those days before political correctness "gentlemen" were known to
    assist "ladies" in their work, advising or even holding office in
    their associations. We may consider this anomalous, but that would
    be anachronistic. The ladies' auxiliary was a feature of the life of
    many organisations within living memory.

    The President and historian of the League was William Sowden, the
    antisocialist editor of the Adelaide Register. Its editorial line
    was so virulent that one competitor, the Adelaide edition of Truth,
    described it as "the official organ of the Tory Party".

    He had founded the League as Vice President of the ANA in 1889,
    obtaining in that year the approval of the Association's SA Board for
    "the formation of a ladies society in conjunction with the ANA". In
    March 1890 the SA ANA Conference ratified the formation of the League
    as "a body of ladies working to advertise the objects of the ANA ... to
    be managed independently ... by a committee of ladies and gentlemen".

    The shock of the unprecedented casualty lists from the Middle East
    inspired the cenotaph. Scott, who later recalled the "personal grief
    at the very long lists of losses", remarked that "the casualty lists
    had thrown into mourning homes in all parts of the country". He
    eloquently recorded the impact in early May 1915 of reports from
    Ashmead Bartlett and others.

    As Torode told those present:

    An inspiration was given to me when the sad news came through of the
    attempted landing of our troops at Gallipoli and the bravery of our
    men, to create in memory of them an evergreen memorial. An appeal
    was made to the general public, resulting in all material and labour
    being given free of cost. Thus Wattle Grove in Sir Lewis Cohen Drive
    off South Terrace was brought into being ... It was my privilege to
    design the outlay of the garden, Obelisk, and Pergola ...

    Today only a remnant stand of wattle marks the original site of
    the Dardanelle's Cenotaph on Sir Lewis Cohen Drive, an extension
    through the South Parklands of Morphett Street. Torode conceived
    the facility among other things as an amenity for Torode's nearby
    park side developments so that in years to come "Wattle Grove will
    be an attraction to citizens and visitors and a pleasant resort on
    summer evenings."

    Torode incorporated other features of his original conception in the
    Cenotaph itself, both by inclusion and exclusion.

    Portions of the stonework had been polished, while others remained
    in their rough state: purposely designed to commemorate the rough
    landing which their heroes had experienced at Gallipoli.

    The cross which today surmounts the ensemble is a later addition
    because at the time "they had not deemed it necessary to mark the
    obelisk by a cross, because the brilliant southern constellation,
    celestial emblem of sacrifice, forever cast its inspiring light
    upon Australia".

    No irreligion was intended, rather an emphasis on nativist civic
    piety towards those who had fallen in the military service of the
    community. Torode was after all a Congregationalist Sunday school
    superintendent.

    Another feature conspicuous by its absence today was also mentioned
    by Torode, one that was, later, not uncommon at other war memorials
    around the country, for example at Salisbury, South Australia. Torode
    emphasised that:

    He had intended to mount three rifles at the apex of the monument,
    but had been advised not to do so, because in time to come, when the
    war was over, the impression given by the obelisk should be one of
    peace and not conflict. He had acted upon that advice [Applause].

    It is important to note that the inaugural cenotaph erected to the
    ANZACs was studiously devoid of the religious and military iconography
    which not a few Australians now find alienating.

    The Australia of today is as likely to meditate upon the reflections of
    historians, philosophers and poets as to pray with Christian clergymen,
    as was conventional when the ANZACs sailed away.

    Nowadays Australians are as likely to be irreligious as religious. Is
    not the sensibility of unbelievers of goodwill to be recognised
    and respected also? If a religious component is to be retained in
    ANZAC Day, cannot Buddhist chants, Hindu mantra and Muslim prayers
    be offered as we strive to contain the risks of community division
    arising from fundamentalist zealotry?

    If the fossilisation of our cult of remembrance is to be prevented,
    we must let it develop with our national life and culture, and that
    requires us to periodically review in a kindly spirit the rites
    we practice.

    The invitation extended to Turkish servicemen to march on ANZAC
    Day in Adelaide in 2005 is an example of the evolution of our
    rites of commemoration, a fitting recollection of the humanity
    of Ataturk towards our fallen, and a reminder of the ever present
    controversiality of history in regard for example to such issues as
    the Armenian genocide and the on going Turkish occupation of Cyprus.

    What then, above and beyond the circumstances of form, is the essence
    of ANZAC Day? Surely it is to remind us of the high price of even
    the most defensible of wars.

    It needs to be remembered, as Winter has shown, that the original
    social function of the Great War cult of remembrance and thus of ANZAC
    Day was mourning, just as according to Cochrane its original political
    function was recruiting to fill up the ranks rent by warfare in an
    industrial age.

    It is unlikely that many present in the South Parklands on Wattle
    Day 1915 objected to the patriotic objectives of officialdom, any
    more than their predilection of the Southern Cross was a sign of an
    irreligion few if any would have felt in that still evangelical age.

    Never the less, only so long as the primary social function of mourning
    was respected could it include the political and religious functions
    of remembrance.

    The public recognition of the human cost of battle was, from the
    very first, the enduring bequest of the survivors of the Great War to
    subsequent generations. This is the context of the now ritual remark
    that ANZAC Day does not exist to glorify war. We must keep more faith
    with this concept than the powers-that-be have done lately.

    http://www.onlineopinion.com.au/view.asp? article=5852
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