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  • South Ossetia: `Presidents' Step Up Struggle

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    South Ossetia: `Presidents' Step Up Struggle
    [03:13 pm] 19 May, 2007

    Georgian government increases support for `alternative' president of
    South Ossetia. `Can't I just go to the grocery store, it's just a few
    steps away from here?' asked Svetlana, 36, a resident of the Georgian
    village Tamarasheni in the South Ossetia conflict zone, imploring to
    be allowed to cross to the other side of checkpoint manned by
    peacekeepers on the road between Tamarasheni and another Georgian
    village Kekhvi.

    The mother said she had to buy some milk there for her
    18-month-year-old child, whom she was holding in her arms, but was not
    allowed through.

    For five days, South Ossetian security personnel have been standing
    guard here alongside Russian peacekeepers to ensure that the road
    remains closed.

    On May 11, the de facto president of South Ossetia Eduard Kokoity
    ordered that mobile police checkpoints be set up on roads leading to
    Georgian villages in the disputed zone. He said no one should be
    allowed to pass except for the holders of Russian and South Ossetian
    passports.

    The following day there was a fierce exchange of gunfire in the
    region, followed by mutual accusations between the two sides about who
    had started it. There were no confirmed reports of serious injuries.

    For four days all traffic was blocked around the Georgian
    villages. Then most vehicles were allowed to move again - but not on
    the road between Tamarasheni and Kekhvi, where the situation remains
    tense.

    `I'm a Chechen and I live in a Georgian village here together with my
    husband and children,' said Svetlana. She was not allowed to go to
    the shop, although one Russian peacekeeper, ignoring the evident
    disapproval of South Ossetian policemen, volunteered to bring milk for
    her.

    `Closing the roads is just a piece of intrigue by both our
    government,' said Svetlana. `I have great respect for [the
    unrecognised republic in] Tskhinval, but the incident makes me feel
    sorry and ashamed for all of them - both your government and ours.'

    The flaring of tension in a small armed and ethnically mixed region
    has alarmed international observers.

    South Ossetia has been a disputed breakaway territory since 1991 when
    the region seceded de facto from Georgia after a bloody conflict that
    cost around 2,000 lives and resulted in tens of thousands becoming
    refugees.

    It was regarded as the quietest of the separatist disputes in the
    South Caucasus until an upsurge of fighting in 2004. Since then, there
    has been constant tension between the capital Tskhinval (or Tskhinvali
    as the Georgians call it) and a group of ethnic Georgian villages.

    This latest spike in tension followed the decision of Georgian
    president Mikheil Saakashvili to create a `temporary administrative
    unit' in the region headed by `alternative president' Dmitry Sanakoyev
    in the heart of South Ossetia.

    Sanakoyev, a former South Ossetian defence minister, was named
    `president' in an election conducted on November 12 last year by the
    `alternative central electoral commission' on the Georgian-controlled
    part of South Ossetia. The election ran in parallel with a larger
    presidential poll in the breakaway republic that was won by incumbent
    Eduard Kokoity.

    Since then, the small region has had two opposing `presidents', living
    uneasily within a few kilometres of one another, neither of whom are
    recognised as legitimate by the international community.

    The critical situation was discussed on May 16 at a meeting between
    Georgian conflict resolution minister Merab Antadze and Russian envoy
    Yury Popov, who co-chairs the Joint Control Commission for resolution
    of the conflict.

    Both Tbilisi and Moscow blames the other for making the dispute
    worse. `The Georgian side is waiting for Russia to give a clear answer
    on whether it intends to continue bringing in weapons - directly or in
    roundabout ways - to the Tskhinvali region and thereby exacerbating
    the situation in the Georgian-Ossetian conflict zone,' Antadze told
    journalists.

    In his turn, Popov rejected a key demand of the Tbilisi government,
    saying that he saw no reason for Sanakoyev to take part in the Joint
    Control Commission's work.

    Sanakoyev is now being feted in Tbilisi. On May 11, he delivered a
    speech in his capacity as head of the temporary administration to the
    Georgian parliament. Addressing the deputies in Ossetian, he said the
    population of South Ossetia had lived in misery for the last seventeen
    years, while peacekeeping efforts had failed to `bear fruit'.

    Sanakoyev said that the future of South Ossetia lay within
    Georgia. `In future, the final result of Georgian-Ossetian dialogue
    should be the granting of broad autonomy to the region and the
    provision for the Ossetian people of guarantees of political
    representation and preservation of its cultural identity within a
    single state,' said Sanakoyev.

    On the same day, the South Ossetian interior ministry issued a
    statement blaming the escalation of tension in the conflict zone on
    what it termed the Georgian authorities' destructive policy. It said
    the roads in the zones had been closed in order to guarantee the
    security of the South Ossetian population.

    `Ever since April, all travellers have had their passports copied at
    Georgian police checkpoints, so a database can be compiled. Many of
    them have been subjected to interrogations, illegal detention, threats
    and insults,' said the ministry.

    Another official statement by the de facto South Ossetian authorities
    said that by his actions in Tbilisi Sanakoyev had become `just another
    Georgian official' and the plan to establish an alternative presidency
    had failed.

    Kokoity moved to defuse the situation after four days, lifting most of
    the blockade on the roads. There were various interpretations as to
    why he decided to do so. The Moscow newspaper Kommersant said the
    initiative to do so had come from the Russian government, which did
    not want another source of tension with Washington during the visit by
    US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice.

    Ossetian villages had also suffered from the blockade and food could
    not be delivered to 16 villages in the Proni Valley for several days.

    Georgian experts agree that the latest moves by the government in
    Tbilisi have shaken up the situation, but disagree about what this
    means.

    Political analyst David Darchiashvili, who heads the Open
    Society-Georgia foundation, told IWPR that `Sanakoyev's new
    appointment caused the dynamics in the conflict zone to
    change'. `[Sanakoyev's group] was created with Georgian support, but
    it is going to become an independent player,' he said.

    Darchiashvili said the decision to close the roads was a sign of fear
    on the side of the Kokoity administration. He was afraid that Kokoity
    might respond with an act of `provocation' and said it was important
    to keep up dialogue with him `not about political issues, but about
    security, demilitarization and free movement'.

    Former conflict resolution minister Giorgy Khaindrava said it was
    important to keep up negotiations with Kokoity `as he is a reality on
    the ground'.

    `However, one should keep in mind Russia is behind Kokoity, and he has
    nothing to lose,' he said. `He has exhausted his potential and does
    not need peace. Escalation of the conflict is the only way out for
    him, and this is a real danger. The state and government exist in
    order to foresee all risks.'

    By Irina Kelekhsayeva in Tskhinval and Dmitry Avaliani in Tbilisi (CRS
    No. 392 17-May-07) Irina Kelekhsayeva is a freelance journalist in
    South Ossetia. Dmitry Avaliani is a correspondent for 24 Hours
    newspaper in Tbilisi. This article is a product of IWPR's Cross
    Caucasus Journalism Network, supported by the European Union. The
    article is republished from IWPR's Caucasus Reporting Service.
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