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WHY PELOSI IS 'COMMITTEE OF ONE'
by Robert Novak, The Chicago Sun-Times
Chicago Sun Times
November 1, 2007 Thursday
Final Edition
A story told in cloakrooms of the House of Representatives shows
how ironic life on Capitol Hill can be. Jim McCrery, the low-key,
hardworking ranking Republican on the Ways and Means Committee, has
spent all year trying to establish good relations with the tax-writing
committee's first Democratic chairman in 12 years, Charles Rangel. He
succeeded, only to discover that Rangel does not really run Ways and
Means. Nancy Pelosi does.
Rangel so far looks like the weakest Ways and Means chairman during
my 50 years in Washington. That's only because Pelosi so far is the
most powerful speaker of the House during that same period, a reality
obscured by her historic role as the first woman to hold that office.
She does not confer with or defer to standing committee chairmen,
whose predecessors made previous speakers dance to their tune.
On both sides of the aisle, the 67-year-old grandmother from San
Francisco is referred to as the "Committee of One" who rules the
House. Many speakers over the years relied on their majority leader.
But not Pelosi, who actually opposed Steny Hoyer's election as
majority leader.
Ruling absolutely does not mean even Democrats think she rules well.
Her misguided effort to pass a resolution condemning the 1915
Armenian holocaust constitutes a rare public blunder, but beyond
that she has not crafted a coherent Democratic message. This month's
Harris Poll puts her nationwide job disapproval ("fair" or "poor")
at 57 percent. But she is an icon at the Democratic grass roots,
and none of the committee chairmen who have been downgraded by her
utters a word of public criticism.
Rangel's massive proposed tax reform released last week gets less
respect than what is normally accorded a Ways and Means chairman's
plan because Pelosi is not on board.
Much the same treatment has been experienced by John Dingell, the
senior member of Congress, as Energy and Commerce Committee chairman.
In bygone days, Dingell deferred to neither Democratic presidents nor
speakers. But Pelosi is determined to pass an energy bill this year
even though it means crossing Dingell, who as a Detroiter opposes
Californian Pelosi on mileage and emission standards.
No committee chairman wants to take the risk of going public against
Pelosi, including one who sought her advice -- and, hopefully,
support -- on a controversial matter of House business. This anonymous
chairman was rebuffed by the speaker, who declined to talk to him,
either in person or over the telephone.
Being the "Committee of One" does not mean Pelosi is without
lieutenants. She is close to two fellow Californians, both fiercely
partisan, who head committees: George Miller (Education and Labor)
and Henry Waxman (Oversight and Government Reform). Miller is regarded
as her consigliere, always at her side. She is also considered close
to moderate chairmen Ike Skelton (Armed Services) and John Spratt
(Budget), plus liberal chairman Barney Frank (Financial Services).
However, that does not mean she always takes their advice. Skelton,
a seasoned student of international relations, told her the Armenian
resolution would antagonize Turkey and thus constituted a foreign
policy debacle in the making. Rahm Emanuel, the House Democratic Caucus
chairman, also opposed it (as he had when serving as President Bill
Clinton's political aide).
The Armenian episode suggests a Pelosi decision has to approach the
brink of disaster before Democrats speak out. Her popularity in the
party beyond Capitol Hill is too great. When I asked one esteemed
Democratic operative whether Pelosi's authority is without restraint,
he called that a sexist question because I never would ask that about
Sam Rayburn or Tip O'Neill. Indeed, I would not. They were not that
powerful.
by Robert Novak, The Chicago Sun-Times
Chicago Sun Times
November 1, 2007 Thursday
Final Edition
A story told in cloakrooms of the House of Representatives shows
how ironic life on Capitol Hill can be. Jim McCrery, the low-key,
hardworking ranking Republican on the Ways and Means Committee, has
spent all year trying to establish good relations with the tax-writing
committee's first Democratic chairman in 12 years, Charles Rangel. He
succeeded, only to discover that Rangel does not really run Ways and
Means. Nancy Pelosi does.
Rangel so far looks like the weakest Ways and Means chairman during
my 50 years in Washington. That's only because Pelosi so far is the
most powerful speaker of the House during that same period, a reality
obscured by her historic role as the first woman to hold that office.
She does not confer with or defer to standing committee chairmen,
whose predecessors made previous speakers dance to their tune.
On both sides of the aisle, the 67-year-old grandmother from San
Francisco is referred to as the "Committee of One" who rules the
House. Many speakers over the years relied on their majority leader.
But not Pelosi, who actually opposed Steny Hoyer's election as
majority leader.
Ruling absolutely does not mean even Democrats think she rules well.
Her misguided effort to pass a resolution condemning the 1915
Armenian holocaust constitutes a rare public blunder, but beyond
that she has not crafted a coherent Democratic message. This month's
Harris Poll puts her nationwide job disapproval ("fair" or "poor")
at 57 percent. But she is an icon at the Democratic grass roots,
and none of the committee chairmen who have been downgraded by her
utters a word of public criticism.
Rangel's massive proposed tax reform released last week gets less
respect than what is normally accorded a Ways and Means chairman's
plan because Pelosi is not on board.
Much the same treatment has been experienced by John Dingell, the
senior member of Congress, as Energy and Commerce Committee chairman.
In bygone days, Dingell deferred to neither Democratic presidents nor
speakers. But Pelosi is determined to pass an energy bill this year
even though it means crossing Dingell, who as a Detroiter opposes
Californian Pelosi on mileage and emission standards.
No committee chairman wants to take the risk of going public against
Pelosi, including one who sought her advice -- and, hopefully,
support -- on a controversial matter of House business. This anonymous
chairman was rebuffed by the speaker, who declined to talk to him,
either in person or over the telephone.
Being the "Committee of One" does not mean Pelosi is without
lieutenants. She is close to two fellow Californians, both fiercely
partisan, who head committees: George Miller (Education and Labor)
and Henry Waxman (Oversight and Government Reform). Miller is regarded
as her consigliere, always at her side. She is also considered close
to moderate chairmen Ike Skelton (Armed Services) and John Spratt
(Budget), plus liberal chairman Barney Frank (Financial Services).
However, that does not mean she always takes their advice. Skelton,
a seasoned student of international relations, told her the Armenian
resolution would antagonize Turkey and thus constituted a foreign
policy debacle in the making. Rahm Emanuel, the House Democratic Caucus
chairman, also opposed it (as he had when serving as President Bill
Clinton's political aide).
The Armenian episode suggests a Pelosi decision has to approach the
brink of disaster before Democrats speak out. Her popularity in the
party beyond Capitol Hill is too great. When I asked one esteemed
Democratic operative whether Pelosi's authority is without restraint,
he called that a sexist question because I never would ask that about
Sam Rayburn or Tip O'Neill. Indeed, I would not. They were not that
powerful.