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Oct. 5, 2007 - 7:55 p.m.
Turkey Hires Familiar Faces for Genocide Debate
By Alan K. Ota, CQ Staff
In 2003, Richard A. Gephardt cosponsored a resolution that put the
"Armenian genocide" in company with the Holocaust and mass deaths in
Cambodia and Rwanda.
In 2000, the Missouri lawmaker backed a similar measure, and in a
letter to then-Speaker J. Dennis Hastert, R-Ill., Gephardt said he was
"committed to obtaining official U.S. government recognition of the
Armenian genocide."
Now Gephardt is a foreign agent lobbying on behalf of Turkey, and he's
got a different view of the world. He's working to stymie the latest
version of an Armenian genocide resolution.
If the resolution (H Res 106) gets through committee this week, it
will bring a billing bonanza for lobbyists working against it -
including Gephardt, who represents one of the newest additions to a
small group of former lawmakers who serve as the American face of
foreign countries on Capitol Hill.
The Armenian resolution is popular - with 226 co-sponsors - but
problematic, given that Turkey is an important Muslim ally in a
strategically vital part of the world.
The events at issue occurred nearly a century ago in what was then the
Ottoman Empire, but Turkey is still sensitive to characterizations of
the killings.
Gephardt, responding via e-mail to written questions, confirmed that
he had escorted Turkish Ambassador Nabi Sensoy to meetings with
Speaker Nancy Pelosi and other Democratic leaders.
Gephardt (1977-2005) acknowledged that he had in the past actively
supported efforts to label activities of the Ottoman Empire as
genocide. But "alienating Turkey through the passage of the resolution
could undermine our efforts to promote stability in the theater of
operations, if not exacerbate the situation further," he said.
Pelosi, D-Calif., declined to comment on any private talks about
Turkey, saying only that she would welcome talks on the measure and
other issues with Gephardt, who preceded her as House Democratic
leader. "I have the highest regard for Dick Gephardt. Any advice he
has on any subject is indeed welcome by me," she said.
Pelosi's open door for Gephardt demonstrates the muscle former
lawmakers can provide for clients by snagging meetings and
conversations with the most powerful members of Congress. As with all
other kinds of lobbying, they can't assure success but they can give
client countries access they might not otherwise have to the
legislative branch.
When Republicans controlled Congress, they often blocked measures,
such as the Armenian resolution, that could embarrass allies and the
Bush administration.
In the 110th Congress, foreign countries have had mixed success trying
to slow or water down such measures.
Despite the help of prominent lobbyists, such as former House Minority
Leader Bob Michel, R-Ill. (1957-1995), Japan lost a battle in July
when the House passed a resolution (H Res 121) urging it to apologize
for using sex slaves, or comfort women, in World War II.
Working with lobbyists associated with DLA Piper, the firm where
Gephardt is a senior counsel, Ethiopia got plenty of support from the
White House. But the country failed to delay House action on a plan
(HR 2003) by Donald M. Payne, D-N.J., to limit security assistance
unless it moves to release political prisoners and protect human
rights.
Gephardt said he had met with Ethiopian representatives but elected
not to work for Ethiopia.
However, Gephardt has been active on behalf of Turkey, which has long
insisted that Armenians died not from genocide, but in conflicts tied
to World War I - including an uprising against Turkey's Ottoman
rulers.
Also representing Turkey is former Rep. Robert L. Livingston,
R-La. (1977-1999).
Another former congressman, Stephen J. Solarz, D-N.Y. (1975-1993),
worked for Turkey until August.
The Foreign Affairs Committee plans to take up the Armenian genocide
resolution on Wednesday, and Payne and other members predict it will
have broad bipartisan support on the panel.
Majority Leader Steny H. Hoyer, D-Md., said a House vote on the
Armenian genocide resolution has not been scheduled, but he believes
it will happen this year. "It's my expectation we will have a floor
vote before we leave here in November," Hoyer said.
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., backs a companion measure
(S Res 106), but it has less momentum: just 32 co-sponsors.
Tougher Limits Sought
Critics argue that former lawmakers give foreign countries too much
power inside the Capitol and are calling for tougher restrictions and
revolving-door limits.
For example, Rep. Marcy Kaptur, D-Ohio, has called for a lifetime ban
(HR 168) to prevent lawmakers and senior government officials from
becoming foreign agents.
"Public confidence in government is shaken when they see high-level
officials and lawmakers going to work for foreign countries," she
said.
In response to such critiques, Gephardt and other foreign agents
contend they seek to merely ensure a vigorous debate, not special
favors for foreign countries.
"The better informed members are about all aspects of a particular
issue, the more likely Congress comes to the proper course of action,"
Gephardt said.
He said he serves dual roles in "private conversations with former
colleagues and meetings where I accompany the client."
Livingston describes the role of foreign agents as calming what can be
emotional fights. "It's more intense than lobbying," he said.
Working in tandem with the Bush administration, Gephardt, Livingston
and, for a time, Solarz tapped their personal contacts to try to block
the Armenian genocide resolution.
Last Dec. 19, Solarz sent a letter to Rep. Robert Wexler, D-Fla.,
inviting him to lead a congressional delegation to Turkey and to visit
Solarz' home on its Mediterranean coast.
"You and other members of the delegation would be more than welcome to
spend the evening and the next day with us," Solarz wrote. "If not,
I'll still love you, but I'll need to find someone else to do it."
Wexler, who never made the trip to visit Solarz in Turkey, is not
expected to support the resolution.
Turkey hired DLA Piper on May 10. Gephardt registered the next day to
represent the country.
The firm has since circulated a package of materials to lawmakers that
lays out Turkey's case for foreign aid and its argument against the
Armenian genocide resolution.
Lawmakers in both parties have long catered to the interests of
Americans of Armenian descent, a small but vocal group. The
Congressional Caucus on Armenian Issues has about 120 members, while
the Congressional Turkey Caucus is roughly half as large.
In 2000, Livingston and other advocates for Turkey won a victory when
President Clinton urged Hastert to back away from a planned floor vote
on an Armenian genocide resolution. "It wasn't just Clinton. It was us
working it hard," Livingston said. "The Speaker changed his mind."
Hoping for a similar reversal by Pelosi, Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice and Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates have sent
letters laying out the reasons they think the resolution would
"significantly endanger U.S. national security interests."
In the coming week, the lobbying focus will be on the Foreign Affairs
Committee, where 22 of the 50 members are cosponsors, but some may be
amenable to making word changes in the name of U.S-Turkish relations.
After that, the lobbying goes behind the scenes, and it will be up to
Pelosi whether and when to allow a House floor fight.
Source: http://public.cq.com/docs/cqt/news110-000002601120 .html
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
Oct. 5, 2007 - 7:55 p.m.
Turkey Hires Familiar Faces for Genocide Debate
By Alan K. Ota, CQ Staff
In 2003, Richard A. Gephardt cosponsored a resolution that put the
"Armenian genocide" in company with the Holocaust and mass deaths in
Cambodia and Rwanda.
In 2000, the Missouri lawmaker backed a similar measure, and in a
letter to then-Speaker J. Dennis Hastert, R-Ill., Gephardt said he was
"committed to obtaining official U.S. government recognition of the
Armenian genocide."
Now Gephardt is a foreign agent lobbying on behalf of Turkey, and he's
got a different view of the world. He's working to stymie the latest
version of an Armenian genocide resolution.
If the resolution (H Res 106) gets through committee this week, it
will bring a billing bonanza for lobbyists working against it -
including Gephardt, who represents one of the newest additions to a
small group of former lawmakers who serve as the American face of
foreign countries on Capitol Hill.
The Armenian resolution is popular - with 226 co-sponsors - but
problematic, given that Turkey is an important Muslim ally in a
strategically vital part of the world.
The events at issue occurred nearly a century ago in what was then the
Ottoman Empire, but Turkey is still sensitive to characterizations of
the killings.
Gephardt, responding via e-mail to written questions, confirmed that
he had escorted Turkish Ambassador Nabi Sensoy to meetings with
Speaker Nancy Pelosi and other Democratic leaders.
Gephardt (1977-2005) acknowledged that he had in the past actively
supported efforts to label activities of the Ottoman Empire as
genocide. But "alienating Turkey through the passage of the resolution
could undermine our efforts to promote stability in the theater of
operations, if not exacerbate the situation further," he said.
Pelosi, D-Calif., declined to comment on any private talks about
Turkey, saying only that she would welcome talks on the measure and
other issues with Gephardt, who preceded her as House Democratic
leader. "I have the highest regard for Dick Gephardt. Any advice he
has on any subject is indeed welcome by me," she said.
Pelosi's open door for Gephardt demonstrates the muscle former
lawmakers can provide for clients by snagging meetings and
conversations with the most powerful members of Congress. As with all
other kinds of lobbying, they can't assure success but they can give
client countries access they might not otherwise have to the
legislative branch.
When Republicans controlled Congress, they often blocked measures,
such as the Armenian resolution, that could embarrass allies and the
Bush administration.
In the 110th Congress, foreign countries have had mixed success trying
to slow or water down such measures.
Despite the help of prominent lobbyists, such as former House Minority
Leader Bob Michel, R-Ill. (1957-1995), Japan lost a battle in July
when the House passed a resolution (H Res 121) urging it to apologize
for using sex slaves, or comfort women, in World War II.
Working with lobbyists associated with DLA Piper, the firm where
Gephardt is a senior counsel, Ethiopia got plenty of support from the
White House. But the country failed to delay House action on a plan
(HR 2003) by Donald M. Payne, D-N.J., to limit security assistance
unless it moves to release political prisoners and protect human
rights.
Gephardt said he had met with Ethiopian representatives but elected
not to work for Ethiopia.
However, Gephardt has been active on behalf of Turkey, which has long
insisted that Armenians died not from genocide, but in conflicts tied
to World War I - including an uprising against Turkey's Ottoman
rulers.
Also representing Turkey is former Rep. Robert L. Livingston,
R-La. (1977-1999).
Another former congressman, Stephen J. Solarz, D-N.Y. (1975-1993),
worked for Turkey until August.
The Foreign Affairs Committee plans to take up the Armenian genocide
resolution on Wednesday, and Payne and other members predict it will
have broad bipartisan support on the panel.
Majority Leader Steny H. Hoyer, D-Md., said a House vote on the
Armenian genocide resolution has not been scheduled, but he believes
it will happen this year. "It's my expectation we will have a floor
vote before we leave here in November," Hoyer said.
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., backs a companion measure
(S Res 106), but it has less momentum: just 32 co-sponsors.
Tougher Limits Sought
Critics argue that former lawmakers give foreign countries too much
power inside the Capitol and are calling for tougher restrictions and
revolving-door limits.
For example, Rep. Marcy Kaptur, D-Ohio, has called for a lifetime ban
(HR 168) to prevent lawmakers and senior government officials from
becoming foreign agents.
"Public confidence in government is shaken when they see high-level
officials and lawmakers going to work for foreign countries," she
said.
In response to such critiques, Gephardt and other foreign agents
contend they seek to merely ensure a vigorous debate, not special
favors for foreign countries.
"The better informed members are about all aspects of a particular
issue, the more likely Congress comes to the proper course of action,"
Gephardt said.
He said he serves dual roles in "private conversations with former
colleagues and meetings where I accompany the client."
Livingston describes the role of foreign agents as calming what can be
emotional fights. "It's more intense than lobbying," he said.
Working in tandem with the Bush administration, Gephardt, Livingston
and, for a time, Solarz tapped their personal contacts to try to block
the Armenian genocide resolution.
Last Dec. 19, Solarz sent a letter to Rep. Robert Wexler, D-Fla.,
inviting him to lead a congressional delegation to Turkey and to visit
Solarz' home on its Mediterranean coast.
"You and other members of the delegation would be more than welcome to
spend the evening and the next day with us," Solarz wrote. "If not,
I'll still love you, but I'll need to find someone else to do it."
Wexler, who never made the trip to visit Solarz in Turkey, is not
expected to support the resolution.
Turkey hired DLA Piper on May 10. Gephardt registered the next day to
represent the country.
The firm has since circulated a package of materials to lawmakers that
lays out Turkey's case for foreign aid and its argument against the
Armenian genocide resolution.
Lawmakers in both parties have long catered to the interests of
Americans of Armenian descent, a small but vocal group. The
Congressional Caucus on Armenian Issues has about 120 members, while
the Congressional Turkey Caucus is roughly half as large.
In 2000, Livingston and other advocates for Turkey won a victory when
President Clinton urged Hastert to back away from a planned floor vote
on an Armenian genocide resolution. "It wasn't just Clinton. It was us
working it hard," Livingston said. "The Speaker changed his mind."
Hoping for a similar reversal by Pelosi, Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice and Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates have sent
letters laying out the reasons they think the resolution would
"significantly endanger U.S. national security interests."
In the coming week, the lobbying focus will be on the Foreign Affairs
Committee, where 22 of the 50 members are cosponsors, but some may be
amenable to making word changes in the name of U.S-Turkish relations.
After that, the lobbying goes behind the scenes, and it will be up to
Pelosi whether and when to allow a House floor fight.
Source: http://public.cq.com/docs/cqt/news110-000002601120 .html
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress