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CSTO: The `NATO Of The East' - Analysis

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  • CSTO: The `NATO Of The East' - Analysis

    Eurasia Review
    May 20 2012

    CSTO: The `NATO Of The East' - Analysis


    May 20, 2012


    On May 15, Russian President Vladimir Putin opened in Moscow the 10th
    anniversary meeting of the CSTO, the Collective Security Treaty
    Organization regarded by many as the `NATO of the East' or the
    `anti-NATO' for its pro-Russian stance. The session was attended by
    all heads of member states, including Belarus' Alexander Lukashenko,
    Kazakhstan's Nursultan Nazarbayev, Armenia's Serzh Sargsyan,
    Tajikistan's Emomali Rahmon, Kyrgyzstan's Almazbek Atambayev and
    Uzbekistan's Islam Karimov.

    In his opening keynote address, Putin lauded the results of the CSTO's
    work, its increased influence on the global arena and its role in
    upholding collective security in the post-Soviet region, urging member
    states to further enhance coordination. `We have very similar
    approaches to the basic problems of international and regional
    security,' he said, adding that the role the CSTO plays in the world
    `will continue to increase,' while Belarusian President Alexander
    Lukashenko said the organization has gone `far beyond the limits of a
    classical defence bloc' in a short period of time, being `capable of
    reacting to virtually any threats at this stage.'


    The geographical scopes of NATO and CSTO
    The CSTO was established in 2002 on the basis of the Collective
    Security Treaty signed in Tashkent ten years before at the initiative
    of Uzbek President Islam Karimov, at that time concerned over the
    possible consequences of the civil war in the neighbouring Tajikistan
    and the rule of the mujahideen in Afghanistan. The Collective Security
    Treaty Organization, whose current members include Armenia, Belarus,
    Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Russia and Uzbekistan, operates a
    3,500-soldier force with a structure resembling that of NATO and whose
    role is likely to increase under Putin's new reign.

    After the summit, the CSTO members produced a joint declaration within
    which they expressed their dismay over US plans to build a missile
    shield in Europe, saying that it could cause `damage to international
    security.' The leaders of the seven states part of the alliance said
    that they were prepared to make joint efforts with NATO to oppose the
    proliferation of ballistic missiles on certain conditions. The
    provisions of the CSTO - like NATO's - include a chapter that an
    attack on one of the organization's members constitutes an attack on
    all. This implies that Moscow may use its nuclear umbrella as a means
    to consolidate its position in Eastern Europe, through Belarus, and
    the Caucasus, through Armenia.

    Minsk feels itself threatened by NATO presence in neighbouring Poland,
    Lithuania and Latvia, and has already manifested its readiness to host
    Iskander missile systems on its territory as a retaliation to US plans
    for a missile defence shield in Europe. Internationally isolated,
    Belarus shares with Russia (and Kazakhstan) the membership to the
    Customs Union, and intends to become the Western bastion of a powerful
    Eurasian bloc. For its part, Armenia is constantly facing the threat
    posed by the Turkish-Georgian-Azeri axis, which is part of a greater
    game aimed at expanding US geopolitical control over the Caucasus and
    the Caspian Sea regions, taking them away from Russia. For this
    reasons, there is perhaps no alliance in the world more natural and
    strategic than the one between Moscow and Yerevan.
    Nevertheless, the country that more than any other one may turn the
    `NATO of the East' into a powerful means of containment of the
    Atlantic Alliance is Nazarbayev's Kazakhstan. In a recent interview
    with Russia's state-run television Rossiya 24, the Kazakh leader
    chided the West for trying to influence other countries through mass
    and new media, echoing positions long held by the Kremlin. After two
    decades of multi-vector foreign policy, which sought to advance
    Kazakhstan's national interests by balancing those of the West,
    Russia, and China, Nazarbayev is now openly tying his country's future
    to Russia.

    On military issues, he described NATO's role in the post-Cold War as
    `entirely unclear,' lauding instead the anti-terrorism orientation of
    the CSTO. Nazarbayev's changed stance on East-West relations might be
    dictated by both US planned withdrawal from Afghanistan and Western
    increased criticism of his rule. What is certain is that the
    Astana-Moscow axis is rapidly becoming the core of a new security
    architecture for Eurasia, of which the CSTO appears to present itself
    as the most appropriate tool. The challenge for NATO and its Eastern
    counterpart is now to avoid that the latest developments may trigger a
    new arms race between the United States and Russia, seeking instead
    the way to work together in the pursuit of common goals, in Eurasia as
    well as worldwide.

    Window on Heartland is a geopolitical blog focused on security and
    strategic issues in the post-Soviet space. Launched in November 2010,
    Window on Heartland aims to provide new perspectives on the
    geopolitics of the region, taking into account the complex historical,
    cultural and ethnic background of the peoples living within the
    borders of the former Soviet empire. Window on Heartland has been
    created and is managed by Giovanni Daniele Valvo, an independent
    political analyst specializing in Russian and East European affairs.

    http://www.eurasiareview.com/20052012-csto-the-nato-of-the-east-analysis/

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