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DERSIM: HISTORY FORCES US INTO CONFRONTATION
Today's Zaman
June 25 2012
Turkey
Turkey is in the midst of a historical turning point. For the first
time, we feel that the thick and heavy cover sheet of the past is
being removed. For the first time, our historical assumptions are
being questioned.
Now, history is running at a greater speed. From one aspect, it is an
exciting feeling. Unexpectedly, a moment in the past that we think
is forgotten grasps us. As in a song by Edith Piaf, it urges us to
recall, but from another aspect this is not easy. Confrontation becomes
painful, but it is also healing us. For the victims of a painful past,
for those who are unaware of it and for the political and spiritual
inheritors of that crime; for all of us, it has a healing impact. Like
in the Armenian and Kurdish questions, like in the Dersim question...
What happened in Dersim?
I was born into a Turkish and Sunni family in a small town on the other
side of the Munzur Mountains, Egin, near Dersim, which is located
in Eastern Anatolia. What I knew about Dersim [A violent government
response to an alleged rebellion led by Zaza Chief Seyyid Rıza in
1937, which killed thousands of Kurdish Alevis] was limited to the
official explanations in the history textbooks, which argued that it
was an uprising. But this explanation did not correspond to narratives
by our parents. In fact, we all knew that something terrible happened
in Dersim. Even though the people of Dersim did not talk about this,
we were able to sense the depth of their sorrow.
Maybe some were aware that what happened in Dersim was not an uprising;
but we found out about this only recently. The Turks became familiar
with this after a sudden apology offered in the aftermath of a
political polemic.
Dersim was an imposed conflict. Afterwards, memories re-emerged. We
realized that what happened was a massacre rather than an uprising. It
was a tragedy that could even be considered genocide, given the
gravity of the incidents. Turks experienced this confrontation at an
unexpected time. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the leader of
the mildly Islamic Justice and Development Party (AK Party), offered
an official apology for what happened in Dersim on behalf of the
state. The people of Dersim were already aware of what happened in
history, but millions of Turks and Sunnis found an answer to questions
over what happened with this apology.
One of the official arguments collapsed in this way. This was a
difficult situation for the Kemalists, who were trying to separate
Dersim from Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. They would either justify the
inhumanity in Dersim or they would revisit their views on the official
ideology. Some preferred the first and some others the latter.
However, nothing remained the same after the Dersim confrontation
and it seems that it will not in the future as well.
Dersim confrontation is indication of normalization
This confrontation in Dersim can be viewed as the outcome of the
democratization process in the last decade in Turkey. Turkey is
experiencing a great sociological and political transformation.
This is a crucial period in the republic's history where the most
significant steps towards the resolution of the Kurdish issue have
been taken. Despite the pains suffered and the Uludere massacre, this
is the case. And like it or not, the leading political actor of this
process is the Erdogan-led AK Party. Besides, these accomplishments
have been made despite the critical stances of the Republican People's
Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP).
Undoubtedly, this success is not attributable to the government alone.
Democratization achieved by the support of democrats, liberals and
minorities represents a grassroots movement. But as a political
scientist who thinks that he has best understood the characteristics
of the state in this country, I would like to emphasize that this
process is not irreversible. And it seems that the government has
been deceived by the positive atmosphere characterized by economic
achievements and the retreat of the military from the political sphere.
However, we are in the initial stage of normalization. This process
should continue for a better understanding of what happened in the
past. But it appears that this will not be that easy.
There will be hurdles before normalization
There are two major obstacles before the normalization process: First,
it is possible that the ruling AK Party may abandon its reformative
stance and make a pact with the establishment; unfortunately, there
are some recent signs in the discourse of the government that this
might actually happen. The AK Party failed in the Uludere test. And
if it were a setup framed by the circles within the state that do not
want to see the Kurdish issue resolved, the government has contributed
to the success of this setup due to lack of wisdom and prudence since
the beginning. The increasingly authoritarian discourse that it has
relied on in recent times can be seen as part of this unconstructive
approach. His offensive remarks against the media and his accusations
directed against the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) of treason are
examples of this.
The second hurdle before the democratization process in Turkey is
the insistence of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) to
carry on an armed struggle. By any criteria or standards, there is
no justification for an armed struggle in Turkey. Today, regardless
of the government's mistakes, there is no justification for violence.
Neither lack of prudence in the Uludere massacre nor the Kurdistan
Communities Union's (KCK) operations can be taken as a justification
for a violent response. As a liberal democrat, I support the Kurdish
demands for education in their native language and administrative
reform. But these are matters of a peaceful political struggle,
and killing for them is like using dynamites to pop corn. Of course,
Turkey is not a democratic heaven, but there is no systematic state
terror like that of the 1990s, extrajudicial killing or unresolved
murders. Moreover, the ongoing clashes in connection with the Kurdish
issue pose a serious risk for the reemergence of the Kemalist oligarchy
and the Ergenekon state. It should be noted that the conflict in
connection with the Kurdish issue is the greatest source of militarism
in Turkey.
At this point, the BDP has great responsibility and sadly, this
party strongly condemns state violence whereas it remains silent
vis-a-vis the PKK violence. Even the PKK's violent acts against
civilian politicians are overlooked by the BDP members who rely on
strange explanations.
But there are some nice developments that raise hopes. Above all,
Turkish society is changing rapidly; more rapidly than the political
parties, forcing them to adapt to this process of change. Even the
CHP feels obligated to draft a Kurdish report. It is still unable to
realize that education in native language is a right; but its decision
not to block such attempts could be seen as some sort of progress.
Secondly, the government's initiatives on Kurdish and Alevi issues
were important and they still are. The completion of the Dersim
confrontation and the resolution of the problem is strongly linked
to the fulfillment of both initiatives given that the Dersim people
hold Kurdish and Alevi identities. So far, the government has not
taken constructive steps not just because of the statist reflexes but
also due to the boundaries of its Sunni orientation. But it is nice
to see that these boundaries are changing and the government appears
to be the most rapidly changing political actor.
Thirdly, for the first time, democrats from different circles in
the civilian sphere have come together to discuss such notions as
justice and peace. I take this very seriously. Let me give you three
examples of youth slogans: the slogan used by the young people from
Kritize.Net: "There is no snake that did not touch us." This was
a slogan in response to the statement "Bana dokunmayan yılan bin
yıl yaÅ~_asın" (May the snake that doesn't touch me thrive). In
an attempt to destroy mental barriers, the Young Civilians traveled
to Armenia where they displayed a placard, reading, "Arda, throw the
ball to Sarkis," in a soccer game. And the 3H Movement addresses the
stereotypes of the official establishment on internal and external
enemies by a slogan, "There is no enemy within." This is a fairly
recent and promising development.
The example I am going to cite in respect to the Kurdish and Alevi
question is the activities of the Association of Confrontation which
I am proud of being a supporter. The association led by a writer from
Dersim, Cafer Solgun, held a civilian Alevi workshop. In this workshop,
we analyzed the Alevi workshops held by the government; currently we
are working on a report on what was missing in these endeavors.
Fourth, the discursive advantage is now held by the democrats. This
means that the ideas that look strange in respect to the Alevi and
Kurdish issues now will be the dominant views in the future.
How to heal the wounds of Dersim?
The steps to be taken towards democratization and further freedom
in terms of agreeing on a solution to the Dersim issue may include
the following:
The Kurdish and Alevi initiatives should be kept alive. The efforts
towards confronting the issues should be further supported.
Further democratic steps including constitutional citizenship should
be taken immediately. The state should be redesigned as an impartial
apparatus vis-a-vis different faiths.
The Religious Affairs Department should be abolished; and religious
affairs should be left to civil society. The people should be able to
choose their own religious clerics and fund their temples and places
of worship, as well as religious education.
The legislations known as the bills of revolution era should be
abolished; and religious places should be legalized to this end, the
Alevi cemevi should be given legal status; to this end, there is no
need to wait for the abolishment of this legislation.
The state should not define the place of worship and recognize every
such place as place of worship without reference to mosque, church
or synagogue.
Mandatory religious courses should be abolished; the ban on religious
education should also be lifted and the relevant clauses of the
Convention on Children's Rights should be implemented.
For Dersim, we all have to work together without waiting for these
steps. To this end, the significant and specific steps towards the
resolution of the Dersim issue may include the following:
The relevant information and documents on the Dersim Massacre should
be made available to the researchers without any restrictions.
The relevant mechanisms of remedy after the apology should be
identified and brought to life.
Training on Zazaki-Kirmanckî and Kurmanji should be placed on
the agenda.
The criticisms on the possible damage in connection with the
construction of dams in Dersim on the nature and religious
considerations should be taken into account and before taking the
relevant steps, the view of the Dersim people should be asked.
The name of Dersim should be reinstituted and proper measures should
be taken to ensure that this city is not associated with a bloody
operation.
Likewise, the names of the politicians and military servicemen
involved in the massacre should be removed from the schools, streets
and parks (like Alpdogan Elementary School). The public schools should
be cleansed of racist and chauvinistic remarks and statements.
The original names of places in Dersim should be reinstituted or a
referendum should be held in the region to redefine these names.
The parliamentary commission of inquiry on Dersim should be taken
seriously; however, the criticisms suggesting that this commission
is trying to cover up the incident by compensation payments should
be considered.
We were unable to prevent the massacres in Dersim in the 1930s. We
failed to extend protection to the children murdered back then. But
we cannot change the past. Yet we still can save the present and the
future. This is not a problem for the Dersim people alone. This is a
problem for all of us; it is a problem of healing and in this respect
it holds a moral rather than political dimension.
*This is the full text of the author's speech at the "Dersim 1935-38
Conference" held at the European Parliament under the auspices of the
Dersim Anti-Genocide Association, the Association of Rebuilding Dersim,
the Association of KurmeÅ~_ians and the Democratic Alevis Federation,
which was hosted by the Leftist Group and the Greens on June 7, 2012.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
Today's Zaman
June 25 2012
Turkey
Turkey is in the midst of a historical turning point. For the first
time, we feel that the thick and heavy cover sheet of the past is
being removed. For the first time, our historical assumptions are
being questioned.
Now, history is running at a greater speed. From one aspect, it is an
exciting feeling. Unexpectedly, a moment in the past that we think
is forgotten grasps us. As in a song by Edith Piaf, it urges us to
recall, but from another aspect this is not easy. Confrontation becomes
painful, but it is also healing us. For the victims of a painful past,
for those who are unaware of it and for the political and spiritual
inheritors of that crime; for all of us, it has a healing impact. Like
in the Armenian and Kurdish questions, like in the Dersim question...
What happened in Dersim?
I was born into a Turkish and Sunni family in a small town on the other
side of the Munzur Mountains, Egin, near Dersim, which is located
in Eastern Anatolia. What I knew about Dersim [A violent government
response to an alleged rebellion led by Zaza Chief Seyyid Rıza in
1937, which killed thousands of Kurdish Alevis] was limited to the
official explanations in the history textbooks, which argued that it
was an uprising. But this explanation did not correspond to narratives
by our parents. In fact, we all knew that something terrible happened
in Dersim. Even though the people of Dersim did not talk about this,
we were able to sense the depth of their sorrow.
Maybe some were aware that what happened in Dersim was not an uprising;
but we found out about this only recently. The Turks became familiar
with this after a sudden apology offered in the aftermath of a
political polemic.
Dersim was an imposed conflict. Afterwards, memories re-emerged. We
realized that what happened was a massacre rather than an uprising. It
was a tragedy that could even be considered genocide, given the
gravity of the incidents. Turks experienced this confrontation at an
unexpected time. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the leader of
the mildly Islamic Justice and Development Party (AK Party), offered
an official apology for what happened in Dersim on behalf of the
state. The people of Dersim were already aware of what happened in
history, but millions of Turks and Sunnis found an answer to questions
over what happened with this apology.
One of the official arguments collapsed in this way. This was a
difficult situation for the Kemalists, who were trying to separate
Dersim from Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. They would either justify the
inhumanity in Dersim or they would revisit their views on the official
ideology. Some preferred the first and some others the latter.
However, nothing remained the same after the Dersim confrontation
and it seems that it will not in the future as well.
Dersim confrontation is indication of normalization
This confrontation in Dersim can be viewed as the outcome of the
democratization process in the last decade in Turkey. Turkey is
experiencing a great sociological and political transformation.
This is a crucial period in the republic's history where the most
significant steps towards the resolution of the Kurdish issue have
been taken. Despite the pains suffered and the Uludere massacre, this
is the case. And like it or not, the leading political actor of this
process is the Erdogan-led AK Party. Besides, these accomplishments
have been made despite the critical stances of the Republican People's
Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP).
Undoubtedly, this success is not attributable to the government alone.
Democratization achieved by the support of democrats, liberals and
minorities represents a grassroots movement. But as a political
scientist who thinks that he has best understood the characteristics
of the state in this country, I would like to emphasize that this
process is not irreversible. And it seems that the government has
been deceived by the positive atmosphere characterized by economic
achievements and the retreat of the military from the political sphere.
However, we are in the initial stage of normalization. This process
should continue for a better understanding of what happened in the
past. But it appears that this will not be that easy.
There will be hurdles before normalization
There are two major obstacles before the normalization process: First,
it is possible that the ruling AK Party may abandon its reformative
stance and make a pact with the establishment; unfortunately, there
are some recent signs in the discourse of the government that this
might actually happen. The AK Party failed in the Uludere test. And
if it were a setup framed by the circles within the state that do not
want to see the Kurdish issue resolved, the government has contributed
to the success of this setup due to lack of wisdom and prudence since
the beginning. The increasingly authoritarian discourse that it has
relied on in recent times can be seen as part of this unconstructive
approach. His offensive remarks against the media and his accusations
directed against the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) of treason are
examples of this.
The second hurdle before the democratization process in Turkey is
the insistence of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) to
carry on an armed struggle. By any criteria or standards, there is
no justification for an armed struggle in Turkey. Today, regardless
of the government's mistakes, there is no justification for violence.
Neither lack of prudence in the Uludere massacre nor the Kurdistan
Communities Union's (KCK) operations can be taken as a justification
for a violent response. As a liberal democrat, I support the Kurdish
demands for education in their native language and administrative
reform. But these are matters of a peaceful political struggle,
and killing for them is like using dynamites to pop corn. Of course,
Turkey is not a democratic heaven, but there is no systematic state
terror like that of the 1990s, extrajudicial killing or unresolved
murders. Moreover, the ongoing clashes in connection with the Kurdish
issue pose a serious risk for the reemergence of the Kemalist oligarchy
and the Ergenekon state. It should be noted that the conflict in
connection with the Kurdish issue is the greatest source of militarism
in Turkey.
At this point, the BDP has great responsibility and sadly, this
party strongly condemns state violence whereas it remains silent
vis-a-vis the PKK violence. Even the PKK's violent acts against
civilian politicians are overlooked by the BDP members who rely on
strange explanations.
But there are some nice developments that raise hopes. Above all,
Turkish society is changing rapidly; more rapidly than the political
parties, forcing them to adapt to this process of change. Even the
CHP feels obligated to draft a Kurdish report. It is still unable to
realize that education in native language is a right; but its decision
not to block such attempts could be seen as some sort of progress.
Secondly, the government's initiatives on Kurdish and Alevi issues
were important and they still are. The completion of the Dersim
confrontation and the resolution of the problem is strongly linked
to the fulfillment of both initiatives given that the Dersim people
hold Kurdish and Alevi identities. So far, the government has not
taken constructive steps not just because of the statist reflexes but
also due to the boundaries of its Sunni orientation. But it is nice
to see that these boundaries are changing and the government appears
to be the most rapidly changing political actor.
Thirdly, for the first time, democrats from different circles in
the civilian sphere have come together to discuss such notions as
justice and peace. I take this very seriously. Let me give you three
examples of youth slogans: the slogan used by the young people from
Kritize.Net: "There is no snake that did not touch us." This was
a slogan in response to the statement "Bana dokunmayan yılan bin
yıl yaÅ~_asın" (May the snake that doesn't touch me thrive). In
an attempt to destroy mental barriers, the Young Civilians traveled
to Armenia where they displayed a placard, reading, "Arda, throw the
ball to Sarkis," in a soccer game. And the 3H Movement addresses the
stereotypes of the official establishment on internal and external
enemies by a slogan, "There is no enemy within." This is a fairly
recent and promising development.
The example I am going to cite in respect to the Kurdish and Alevi
question is the activities of the Association of Confrontation which
I am proud of being a supporter. The association led by a writer from
Dersim, Cafer Solgun, held a civilian Alevi workshop. In this workshop,
we analyzed the Alevi workshops held by the government; currently we
are working on a report on what was missing in these endeavors.
Fourth, the discursive advantage is now held by the democrats. This
means that the ideas that look strange in respect to the Alevi and
Kurdish issues now will be the dominant views in the future.
How to heal the wounds of Dersim?
The steps to be taken towards democratization and further freedom
in terms of agreeing on a solution to the Dersim issue may include
the following:
The Kurdish and Alevi initiatives should be kept alive. The efforts
towards confronting the issues should be further supported.
Further democratic steps including constitutional citizenship should
be taken immediately. The state should be redesigned as an impartial
apparatus vis-a-vis different faiths.
The Religious Affairs Department should be abolished; and religious
affairs should be left to civil society. The people should be able to
choose their own religious clerics and fund their temples and places
of worship, as well as religious education.
The legislations known as the bills of revolution era should be
abolished; and religious places should be legalized to this end, the
Alevi cemevi should be given legal status; to this end, there is no
need to wait for the abolishment of this legislation.
The state should not define the place of worship and recognize every
such place as place of worship without reference to mosque, church
or synagogue.
Mandatory religious courses should be abolished; the ban on religious
education should also be lifted and the relevant clauses of the
Convention on Children's Rights should be implemented.
For Dersim, we all have to work together without waiting for these
steps. To this end, the significant and specific steps towards the
resolution of the Dersim issue may include the following:
The relevant information and documents on the Dersim Massacre should
be made available to the researchers without any restrictions.
The relevant mechanisms of remedy after the apology should be
identified and brought to life.
Training on Zazaki-Kirmanckî and Kurmanji should be placed on
the agenda.
The criticisms on the possible damage in connection with the
construction of dams in Dersim on the nature and religious
considerations should be taken into account and before taking the
relevant steps, the view of the Dersim people should be asked.
The name of Dersim should be reinstituted and proper measures should
be taken to ensure that this city is not associated with a bloody
operation.
Likewise, the names of the politicians and military servicemen
involved in the massacre should be removed from the schools, streets
and parks (like Alpdogan Elementary School). The public schools should
be cleansed of racist and chauvinistic remarks and statements.
The original names of places in Dersim should be reinstituted or a
referendum should be held in the region to redefine these names.
The parliamentary commission of inquiry on Dersim should be taken
seriously; however, the criticisms suggesting that this commission
is trying to cover up the incident by compensation payments should
be considered.
We were unable to prevent the massacres in Dersim in the 1930s. We
failed to extend protection to the children murdered back then. But
we cannot change the past. Yet we still can save the present and the
future. This is not a problem for the Dersim people alone. This is a
problem for all of us; it is a problem of healing and in this respect
it holds a moral rather than political dimension.
*This is the full text of the author's speech at the "Dersim 1935-38
Conference" held at the European Parliament under the auspices of the
Dersim Anti-Genocide Association, the Association of Rebuilding Dersim,
the Association of KurmeÅ~_ians and the Democratic Alevis Federation,
which was hosted by the Leftist Group and the Greens on June 7, 2012.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress