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ISTANBUL: Collapse of 'iron curtain' in Middle East

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  • ISTANBUL: Collapse of 'iron curtain' in Middle East

    Today's Zaman, Turkey
    Aug 5 2012

    Collapse of 'iron curtain' in Middle East

    by Murat Sofuoğlu*

    As the Ottoman Empire headed towards a sealed fate, a new political
    force inspired by the Young Turks' "Grand Coalition" emerged: the
    Committee of Union and Progress (CUP).


    First the members of this committee wanted to topple the autocratic
    government of Abdülhamit II. They eventually did so and came to power
    after the 1908 revolution. After they began establishing their own
    government, they wanted no credible opposition like their great
    political adversary, Abdülhamit II. The question is: What did they
    want?

    They were expressly against the autocracy and oppression symbolized by
    Abdülhamit's rule. They wanted liberty, equality and justice -- ideas
    coined by the French Revolution of 1789, which they admired. As time
    went by, they led a style of government that for outsiders did not
    appear to be much different than that of their autocratic
    predecessors. When things went from bad to worse, they even took over
    the state by military force on Jan. 23, 1913. With the "Bab-ı Ali
    Raid," an armed attack at a cabinet meeting of the Ottoman government
    in the imperial capital, they showed they were ready to suppress any
    kind of resistance, mobilize the "crowd" for the sake of the country
    and, if necessary, die for the eternal patriotic cause. At the end of
    World War I, things went from bad to worse, and the empire was
    dissolved. During this phase, they were not finished; some of them, as
    tradition dictated, were simply liquidated.

    Unlike the Anglo-Saxon tradition, in Turkey and most parts of the
    Middle East, institutions of state and people are not saved or given a
    good chance for transformation for the sake of historical continuity
    and integrity. People in those institutions are faced with a definite
    choice about new and old, and the choice of rejection is enough to
    liquidate them by the powers that be. They shall choose either full
    obedience or complete destruction. Maybe some would call this way a
    kind of "creative destruction" in some parts of the Western world,
    which does not seem to be very creative at all in the Middle East.

    Whatever it is, the rest of the CUP was successfully able to establish
    the Republic of Turkey after giving a fierce fight to European-backed
    Greeks and others. But equally important are the remnants of the CUP
    aligning themselves according to new conditions in the Middle East
    under the mandates of colonial powers. After the colonialists left,
    not much changed and the Middle East was dominated by Nasserist,
    Baathist or Zionist regimes.

    And the essential picture was eventually completed: The Middle East
    looked to be divided among Kemalist (Turkey), Nasserist (Egypt),
    Baathist (Syria and Iraq) and Zionist (Israel) regimes in the
    post-World War I period, with the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire as
    the successor ideologies of the CUP in the successor states of the
    empire. In addition, significantly either secularist or Islamist
    movements in the Middle East are mostly affected by the results of the
    Ottoman modernization efforts, and its most primary political result,
    the CUP. As a grand coalition and the apparatus of a new "Grand
    Politics" of the Ottoman Empire and the Muslim world, the CUP included
    Ottomanists, Westerners, Islamists and Turkists (later, Turkish
    nationalists) among their ranks. And according to political
    conditions, they could rearrange and readjust their political
    allegiances, too.

    Under the pressure of the Cold War conditions, this picture has mostly
    continued to exist in the Middle East. Right after the collapse of the
    Berlin Wall, communized Eastern Europe and the Balkans of the Ottoman
    Empire were dissolved and the democratization and integration process
    into the European Union began. The Balkans, where the CUP was
    originally established, was one of the most critical corners of the
    empire. The other communized and essential corner of the empire,
    Caucasia, got through a bloody and difficult phase toward
    democratization probably because of a delicate equation of
    historically prevalent Western geopolitics with Russia. The
    Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict over the disputed region of
    Nagorno-Karabakh, the failed Chechnyan war of independence from Russia
    and the last Georgian "Rose Revolution," followed some years later by
    Russian intervention, are all marks of this bloody and difficult
    transition in the region.

    The last corner of the Ottoman Empire (the Ottoman Empire, as one of
    the past major political empires in world history, was built on a
    geopolitical triangle between the Balkans, the Caucasus and the Middle
    East in Eurasia) was the Middle East, which has waited for a
    democratization process for such a long time and came last to it. The
    Middle East is the cradle of human civilization and the root of the
    world's monotheistic religions. It has many invariables, unknown and
    unpredictable forces of historical resistance, and a record of
    conflicts unparalleled in other corners of the world. But now it seems
    the "iron curtain" of the Middle East has finally collapsed with the
    Arab Spring. And yet the question has not changed. Instead, it stands
    out there and blurs our vision: Will the Middle East be democratized?
    Or, as is well known in the history of the CUP and its successor
    regimes, after one autocratic regime is toppled, will we witness
    another one in a different form?

    It is clear secularist and autocratic successor regimes of the CUP are
    losing ground in the Middle East, from Islamist-rooted Justice and
    Development Party (AK Party)-led Turkey -- which is carrying out the
    Ergenekon trials against Kemalist generals -- to the Arab Spring
    countries dominated by Baathist and secularist Arab nationalist
    regimes. But what will come next? If the spirit of the CUP is not
    dead, then there is good reason to believe that the Islamic wing of
    the CUP could emerge all over the Middle East.

    And there is no historical guarantee and adequate evidence it will be
    democratic or vice versa.

    *Murat Sofuoğlu is the director of the Process (Süreç) Research Center
    based in İstanbul, Turkey (www.surecanaliz.org).

    http://www.todayszaman.com/news-288589-collapse-of-iron-curtain-in-middle-east-by-murat-sofuoglu*.html

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