Announcement

Collapse
No announcement yet.

Censorship

Collapse
X
 
  • Filter
  • Time
  • Show
Clear All
new posts

  • Censorship

    CENSORSHIP
    Boyd Tonkin

    The Independent - United Kingdom
    Feb 22, 2007

    George Bernard Shaw once wrote that assassination is the ultimate form
    of censorship. That hardly counted as a joke 100 years ago. Now, it
    sounds like no more than a footnote to today's headlines. A month ago,
    the Turkish-Armenian editor Hrant Dink died at an ultra-nationalist
    assassin's hands. His murder came after a sustained, high-level
    campaign to vilify and prosecute those writers - such as Dink, or
    Turkey's Nobel laureate Orhan Pamuk - who dare openly to debate the
    Ottoman massacres of a million or more Armenians in 1915.

    Just three months earlier, the author and journalist Anna Politkovskaya
    paid the same price, shot in the lift of her Moscow apartment block
    after her dogged and fearless research into the underside of Putin's
    regime had made her one ruthless foe too many. As for the grotesque
    public killing, so far unsolved, of Alexander Litvinenko in London
    last November: remember that the former KGB agent's chief offence, in
    the eyes of his Russian enemies, was to publish a book that denounced
    the alleged terror tactics of his ex-employers in provoking the
    second Chechen war. That book, Blowing Up Russia, was promptly and
    permanently banned in his native land.

    At home, freedom of expression hardly looks in better shape. Last year,
    only a concerted campaign by what one minister once sneeringly called
    "the comics' lobby" - in fact, a very broad coalition of writers,
    artists, lawyers, parliamentarians and (yes) entertainers - reined
    in an ill-drafted catch-all law against the incitement to so-called
    "religious hatred". The same government that devised that measure
    looked on in silence as several existing laws were broken when a
    hooligan gang claiming to act for the Sikh community forcibly shut
    down the Birmingham Rep's production of Behzti ( Dishonour) by the
    young British writer Gurpreet Kaur Bhatti. "No one from the Home
    Office was prepared to defend the playwright," noted the National
    Theatre's director Nicholas Hytner, "even after she was threatened."

    Our politicians seem to have concluded that there are no votes in
    artistic freedom, or even upholding the law, but many in pandering
    to every angry cry of "offence".

    Almost two decades ago, British publishers stood firm against the
    Ayatollah Khomeini's fatwa and issued a joint paperback edition of
    The Satanic Verses in solidarity with Salman Rushdie. Would the same
    collective support take shape now? Much of the media has decided to
    indulge in "responsible" self-censorship that often feels not too
    far from cowardice. No UK publication, channel or station (save for
    a couple of rapidly squashed student magazines) allowed its readers
    or viewers to make up their own minds about the Danish cartoons
    of Mohamed.

    In many cultures, free expression remains truly a matter of life and
    death, quite as risky as it ever was. So The Independent's collection
    of once-banned books arrives at a crucial moment. From Vladimir
    Nabokov's Lolita, to Hubert Selby's Last Exit to Brooklyn, from Henry
    Miller's Tropic of Cancer to William Burroughs' The Naked Lunch, it
    brings together 25 landmark works that still have the power to disturb
    and to confront that led to their initial battles with authority.

    Recall ( just for starters) that Nabokov's "nymphet" is not around 14,
    as many people think, when she catches the predatory eye of Humbert
    Humbert. In fact, she is 12. Anthony Burgess's A Clockwork Orange
    satiris-es the currents in modern society that give rise to the random
    violence of disaffected kids. At the time, some read his critique as
    an endorsement of thugs. Many might still do so today.

    Champions of patriotic warfare will still be affronted by Erich Maria
    Re-marque's All Quiet on the Western Front. Haters of political spin
    and guile will be appalled by Machiavelli's The Prince. Believers in
    the spotless innocence of youth will be disgusted by Edmund White's
    A Boy's Own Story. Partisans of Castro's just and equal Cuba will be
    outraged by Reinaldo Arenas' Singing from the Well. Islamic patriarchs
    will be repelled by Taslima Nasrin's Shame. Feminist puritans will
    be distressed by DH Lawrence's Lady Chatterley's Lover - and so,
    explosively, on.

    "Literature", as the poet Ezra Pound put it (and his own flaky Fascist
    tendencies have expelled his work from many college courses over
    recent years), "is news that stays news". This selection of fearless
    and visionary works has stood the test of time. They retain the right
    to shock - and awe.

    Some readers may indulge in a little superior scorn when they
    consider the bourgeois prudery that sought to suppress Madame Bovary's
    adulterous passion, or the apartheid-era racism that tried to crush
    the compassion and solidarity of Alan Paton's Cry, the Beloved Country.

    But, of course, we all approve of censorship in one form or
    another. Modern politicians in fragile multicultural societies seek
    control over material that "offends" organised blocs of voters. Many
    liberally minded people feel glad that British laws passed over recent
    decades forbid inflammatory racist speech, writing and images. The
    casual clubland asides of a generation back can now lead straight
    into court - as the BNP's Nick Griffin recently found out. Fresh
    legislation against the "glorification" of terrorism, aimed at
    jihadi hotheads but couched in terms that could have ensnared 1980s
    supporters of the ANC, has few vocal or visible opponents. Those for
    whom Holocaust denial represents a uniquely vile assault on truth
    welcome the legal shaming of David Irving - though not, to be fair,
    his jailing in a hypocritical Austria.

    Not even extreme libertarians will raise a finger or a voice against
    the extension of surveillance powers of the law-enforcement agencies
    who aim to eradicate child pornography via large-scale trawls such
    as Operation Ore.

    Here is a vast network of hi-tech censorship that all but violent
    criminals support. Overall, it seems as if everyone in Britain now
    agrees with the provocative US critic Stanley Fish, who in the 1990s
    wrote an influential anti-liberal tract entitled There's no such thing
    as free speech - and it's a good thing too. For Fish, as for other
    radicals who make common cause with conservatives, all expression takes
    place within a contested set of rules and constraints - psychological,
    verbal, social, economic. And only fantasists ignorant of history
    and humanity ever believe in a blank slate.

    Look at the history of our current "culture wars", and you find that
    even the bravest standard-bearers of liberty had their blind spots
    when it came to censorship. John Milton's 1644 pamphlet Areopagitica
    remains the most forceful English blast in favour of the unsupervised
    freedom to publish. It claims that killing a book is as bad as killing
    a man, for "who kills a man kills a reasonable creature, God's image;
    but he who destroys a good book kills reason itself, kills the image
    of God, as it were, in the eye". Note Milton's qualification, "good":
    the first in a long line of provisos with which free-speech champions
    sought to head off the menace of proscription via an appeal to moral
    or artistic merit. Fast-forward to 1960: the successful arguments
    of Penguin Books in the Lady Chatterley trial still turned on the
    "literary value" defence allowed by the Obscene Publications Act.

    As many fair-weather libertarians do today, Milton also had a
    sticking-point: Roman Catholicism. Catholic propaganda, he thought,
    exempted itself from the protection that the state ought to offer
    authorship because it amounted to treason: a deep-rooted attack on
    the values of the nation and its culture. So, too, for many liberals
    now. The fascist or the racist puts himself outside the free-speech
    pale, and so deserves ostracism or punishment. American mainstream
    thinkers said the same of Communists in the Mc-Carthy era. Now, a
    young Islamist radical who holds up a scrawled banner calling for the
    beheading of some infidel may face a charge of incitement to murder.

    Only in one disputed territory - the depiction in print of sexual
    acts - does the early 21st-century in the West seem significantly
    more permissive an age than those preceding it. Even here, anomalies
    and arguments abound.

    Christian campaigners, not long ago, tried to enforce the removal
    of mass-market British editions of books by the Marquis de Sade. If
    filmed, many of Sade's more grossly sadistic scenes (which sometimes
    involve children) would be instantly deleted once the BBFC had taken a
    look. Why, protesters asked, are legislators sure that images can harm
    but words do not? And even words can still run foul of British law. One
    maverick Manchester publisher, Savoy Books, endured a tireless 17-year
    campaign of legal harassment by local police and magistrates. Their
    onslaught culminated in the confiscation and destruction of David
    Brit-ton's gruesome satirical fantasy, Lord Horror. This was the last
    major suppression of a British printed work for supposed obscenity,
    overturned only after a long process of appeal in 1992.

    Besides, authoritarian societies - from the Rome of Augustus to
    the Cuba of Castro - have often bothered much less about escapist
    erotica than about literary challenges to the power of the state and
    the person of its leaders.

    George Orwell knew his history when he filled the "Airstrip One"
    of Nineteen Eighty-Four with cheap gin and cheap porn to pacify
    the proles.

    Trend-setters of the 1960s liked to believe in the "subversive" power
    of sexuality on page, screen or stage. A century earlier, they would
    have had a point: witness the scandal of Baudelaire's Les Fleurs du
    Mal, and, indeed, the prosecution of Madame Bovary. In the interwar
    years, British law still proudly made an ass of itself by, absurdly,
    putting works such as Radclyffe Hall's tortured lesbian romance The
    Well of Loneliness in the dock.

    After the Lady Chatterley trial, the floodgates formally opened - but
    the creative well dried up. In fast-buck mass culture, the "sexual
    intercourse" that began for Philip Larkin "in 1963" soon felt more
    like a cheap trick than a new dawn. Only among gay authors in the
    West did written sex hang on to its edge of danger and defiance -
    from Edmund White in the US and Reinaldo Arenas in Cuba to Jean Genet
    in France. The Old Bailey conviction of Last Exit to Brooklyn in 1967
    (overturned after an appeal led by John Mortimer) surely bucked the
    Sixties liberal trend because of the gay and transsexual milieu of
    much of Selby's novel. Meanwhile, in the 1970s, James Kirkup's poem
    for Gay News - in which a Roman soldier erotically contemplates the
    crucified Jesus - brought the laws of blasphemous libel out of their
    ancient mothballs. That case, too, resulted in a conviction.

    Reading the great banned books of other times and other climes will
    hardly sort out the dilemmas and contradictions that recur in the
    history of public speech. It might, though, help us to understand
    that the sands of taboo and transgression, of heresy and blasphemy,
    are forever shifting under our feet.

    Within a generation (to take just two obvious examples), Joyce's
    Ulysses and Lawrence's The Rainbow moved from being pro-scribed
    to being prescribed - from the magistrates' court to the seminar
    room. Other novels travel in the contrary direction. In 1900, Harriet
    Beecher Stowe's anti-slavery saga Uncle Tom's Cabin seemed to millions
    one of the noblest, most influential books since the Bible. By 2000,
    it had become a byword for pa-tronising ignorance.

    Our shibboleths and scapegoats will no doubt look as bizarre to future
    critics as the passions of the past so often do to us.

    So read these formidable literary pariahs with an eye on our age, as
    well as theirs. In olden days a glimpse of stocking was looked on as
    something shocking - but, otherwise, Cole Porter got it wrong. Heaven
    knows, anything definitely doesn't go these days. The prudes and
    persecutors have simply changed tack and chosen different ground,
    as they always have.

    "Let there be light," say writers. In answer, the powers that be
    treat them not as the salt of the earth but as a law unto themselves,
    merely concerned with filthy lucre. All those phrases, as it happens,
    come from a much-censored author: from William Tyndale's magnificent
    English translations of the Old and New Testaments, which have left a
    deeper mark on everyday English speech than any other text. And what
    happened to Tyndale?

    The Catholic authorities, not content with burning his heretical work,
    burned him at the stake in Flanders in 1536. In cultures where the
    written word is banned and burned - even forbidden versions of the
    Bible - then living men and women will often follow. Ask the grieving
    family and colleagues of Hrant Dink.

    STARTING THIS SATURDAY IN THE INDEPENDENT: BANNED BOOKS

    An exclusive collection of 25 cutting-edge titles, censored classics
    and literary landmarks have been specially published for Independent
    readers.

    These books are a triumph of independent thought over the forces of
    repression, and a reminder of how exhilarating fiction can be. We
    start with Anthony Burgess's acclaimed A Clockwork Orange, which will
    come free with every copy of this Saturday's paper. Over the following
    weeks 24 other special edition works will be available to readers for
    just pounds 3.45. For details visit www.independent.co.uk/bannedbooks

    THE COLLECTION, WEEK BY WEEK: 24 February: A Clockwork Orange,
    Anthony Burgess; 3 March: A Farewell to Arms, Ernest Hemingway; 10
    March: Lolita, Vladimir Nabokov; 17 March: Brave New World, Aldous
    Huxley; 24 March: Metamorphosis, Franz Kafka; 31 March: Borstal Boy,
    Brendan Behan; 7 April: Madame Bovary, Gustave Flaubert; 14 April:
    One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich, Alexander Solzhenitsyn;
    21 April: All Quiet on the Western Front, Erich Maria Remarque;
    28 April: Beautiful Losers, Leonard Cohen; 5 May: Cry, the Beloved
    Country, Alan Paton; 12 May: I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings, Maya
    Angelou; 19 May: Lady Chatterley's Lover, DH Lawrence; 26 May: Naked
    Lunch, William Burroughs; 2 June: A Boy's Own Story, Edmund White;
    9 June: The Ginger Man, JP Donleavy; 16 June: Slaughterhouse-Five,
    Kurt Vonnegut; 23 June: The Adventures of Tom Sawyer, Mark Twain; 30
    June: Last Exit to Brooklyn, Hubert Selby, Jnr; 7 July: The Prince,
    NiccolA Machiavelli; 14 July: Singing from the Well, Reinaldo Arenas;
    21 July: The Vatican Cellars, Andre Gide; 28 July: Tropic of Cancer,
    Henry Miller; 4 August: Shame, Taslima Nasrin; 11 August: Fahrenheit
    451, Ray Bradbury

    Censuring the censors: writers speak out

    'Many a man lives a burden to the earth; but a good book is the
    precious life-blood of a master spirit, embalmed and treasured up on
    a purpose beyond life . . . We should be wary therefore . . . how we
    spill the seasoned life of man preserved and stored up in books; since
    we see a kind of homicide may be thus committed, sometimes a martyrdom,
    and if it extend to the whole impression, a kind of massacre.'

    JOHN MILTON, 'AREOPAGITICA', 1644

    'Nature knows no indecencies; man invents them.'

    MARK TWAIN, 'NOTEBOOK', 1896

    'If we don't believe in freedom of expression for people we despise,
    we don't believe in it at all.'

    NOAM CHOMSKY

    'The peculiar evil of silencing the expression of opinion is, that
    it is robbing the human race; posterity as well as the existing
    generation; those who dissent from the opinion, still more than
    those who hold it. If the opinion is right, they are deprived of the
    opportunity of exchanging error for truth; if wrong, they lose what
    is almost as great a benefit, the clearer perception and livelier
    impression of truth, produced by its collision with error.'

    JOHN STUART MILL, 'ON LIBERTY', 1859

    'The dirtiest book of all is the expurgated book.'

    WALT WHITMAN

    'The fact is that we are willing enough to praise freedom when she
    is safely tucked away in the past. In the present ... we get nervous
    about her, and admit censorship.'

    EM FORSTER, 'THE TERCENTENARY OF THE "AREOPAGITICA"', 1944

    'Censorship is never over for those who have experienced it. It is a
    brand on the imagination that affects the individual who has suffered
    it, for ever.'

    NADINE GORDIMER, 'CENSORSHIP AND ITS AFTERMATH", 1990

    'Wherever they burn books they will also, in the end, burn human
    beings.'

    HEINRICH HEINE, 'ALMANSOR', 1821

    'A censor pronouncing a ban, whether on an obscene spectacle or
    a derisive imitation, is like a man trying to stop his penis from
    standing up . . . The spectacle is ridiculous, so ridiculous that
    he is soon a victim not only of his unruly member but of pointing
    fingers, laughing voices. That is why the institution of censorship
    has to surround itself with secondary bans on the infringement of
    its dignity.'

    JM COETZEE, 'GIVING OFFENCE: ESSAYS ON CENSORSHIP', 1994

    'Books won't stay banned. They won't burn. Ideas won't go to jail.

    In the long run of history, the censor and the inquisitor have
    always lost.

    The only weapon against bad ideas is better ideas.'

    ALFRED WHITNEY GRISWOLD, 'THE NEW YORK TIMES', 1959

    'All censorships exist to prevent anyone from challenging current
    conceptions and existing institutions. All progress is initiated by
    challenging current conceptions, and executed by supplanting existing
    institutions. Consequently, the first condition of progress is the
    removal of censorships'

    GEORGE BERNARD SHAW, ANNAJANSKA, 1919

    'We have a natural right to make use of our pens as of our tongue,
    at our peril, risk and hazard.'

    VOLTAIRE, 'DICTIONNAIRE PHILOSOPHIQUE', 1764

    'Woe to that nation whose literature is cut short by force.

    This is not merely interference with freedom of the press but the
    sealing up of a nation's heart, the excision of its memory.'

    ALEXANDER SOLZHENITSYN, NOBEL PRIZE ACCEPTANCE SPEECH, 1972

    'You can never know what your words may turn out to mean for yourself
    or someone else; or what the world they make will be like. Anything
    could happen. The problem with silence is that we know exactly what
    it will be like.'

    HANIF KUREISHI, 'LOOSE TONGUES', 2003

    'If some books are deemed most baneful and their sale forbid, how
    then with deadlier facts, not dreams of doting men? Those whom books
    will hurt will not be proof against events. Events, not books should
    be banned.'

    HERMAN MELVILLE, 'THE ENCANTADAS', 1856

    'If a man is a fool the best thing to do is to encourage him to
    advertise the fact by speaking.'

    WOODROW WILSON, ADDRESS TO THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE, 1919

    'Free speech is the whole thing, the whole ball game. Free speech is
    life itself.'

    SALMAN RUSHDIE, 'THE GUARDIAN', 1990

    'The liberty of the press is a blessing when we are inclined to write
    against others, and a calamity when we find ourselves overborne by
    the multitude of our assailants.'

    SAMUEL JOHNSON, 'THE LIVES OF THE POETS', 1781

    'Our liberty depends on the freedom of the press, and that cannot be
    limited without being lost.'

    THOMAS JEFFERSON, LETTER TO JAMES CURRIE, 1786

    'The press is not only free, it is powerful. That power is ours. It
    is the proudest that man can enjoy.'

    BENJAMIN DISRAELI

    'He that would make his own liberty secure, must guard even his
    enemy from opposition; for if he violates this duty he establishes
    a precedent that will reach himself.'

    THOMAS PAINE, 'COMMON SENSE' 1776

    'I believe there are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom
    of the people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power
    than by violent and sudden usurpations.'

    JAMES MADISON
Working...
X