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Murder and Paranoia in Turkey

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  • Murder and Paranoia in Turkey

    Murder and Paranoia in Turkey
    The Boston Globe Editorial
    Thursday, January 25, 2007
    (http://www.iht.com/articles/2007/01/25/opinion/ed turk.php)


    THERE WAS a huge turnout in Istanbul Tuesday for the funeral of the
    assassinated journalist Hrant Dink. Mourners held up placards saying,
    "We are all Armenians" and "We are all Hrant Dink." It was a
    heartening display of support for values that the slain editor of the
    bilingual paper Agos defended at the cost of his life: free speech,
    acknowledgment of the 1915 genocide of Armenians in Turkey, and
    reconciliation between Turks and the 60,000 Armenians who remain in
    Turkey.

    Encouraging as that affirmation of tolerance and pluralism may be,
    Dink's murder and his funeral illuminate a dangerous conflict that
    pervades state and society in Turkey.

    Speaking at the slain editor's graveside, the Armenian Patriarch
    Mesrob II said: "We continue to hope that the Turks will recognize
    that Armenians are Turkish citizens who have been living on this soil
    for millennia and are neither foreigners nor potential enemies." What
    is shocking about this plea for understanding is that it needed to be
    made. The patriarch's hope for Turkish acceptance of Armenians as full
    citizens who can be loyal to Turkey reflects a deeply rooted confusion
    about something called Turkish identity.

    Dink was killed by a 17-year-old who had been given a gun and told to
    carry out the murder by an ultra nationalist from his home town who
    had served 10 months in prison for bombing a McDonald's. The assassin
    told police he had seen something on the Internet alleging that Dink
    had said, "Turkish bloodis dirty." This was an allusion to the
    Armenian-Turkish editor's conviction under an odious law that makes it
    a crime to insult Turkish identity.

    For the people who marched in Dink's funeral cortege, there is a clear
    connection between the nationalist paranoia that produced such a law
    and the murder of writers and intellectuals who are branded as
    disloyal. That nationalism has been nourished on political myths that
    are rooted in the ideology propounded by the founder of the
    post-Ottoman Turkish state, Kemal Ataturk.

    Turkey's military and security services -- what some Turkish liberals
    call a "deep state" that acts independently of elected governments --
    have interpreted Kemalism in a way that defines cultural and
    linguistic autonomy for Kurds and other minorities as a rebellious
    challenge to the ideal of Turkishness.

    The secular ideology derived from Kemalism has been equally intolerant
    of outward shows of religious piety, prohibiting women and girls from
    wearinghead carves in school.

    To gain entry to the European Union, Turkey's political leaders will
    have to conduct a broad educational campaign, uprooting myths about
    the mass murder of Armenians and the military's dirty war against the
    Kurds. Before Turks can take on a new European identity, they will
    have to redefine what it means to be Turkish.

    http://www.boston.com/news/globe/editori al_opinion/editorials/articles/2007/01/25/murder_a nd_paranoia_in_turkey/

    © _Copyright_ (http://www.boston.com/help/bostoncom_info/copyrig ht)
    © 2007 The New York Times Company
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